Mecila

#31

Image by Nikolai Kanow.

Mecila Civil Society Workshop 2024 in Berlin: Together at last?

Global Convivial Forum 

The interview conducted in writing on February 7 2024, by Katrin Schlotter, was first published on the BMBF Webpage, under “Rahmenprogramm Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaften (GSW)”.
 
 
Translated from German by Nina Leibbrandt
 

Image by Nikolai Kanow.

From 18 to 20 January 2024, the Institute for Latin American Studies at Freie Universitӓt Berlin and Mecila hosted the Mecila Civil Society Workshop 2024 in Berlin, which discussed the topic of climate interdependencies between Europe and Latin America. Mecila spokesperson Prof. Dr. Sérgio Costa presents the most important topics and findings.

 

At Mecila, you investigate past and present forms of social coexistence in Europe and Latin America. What influence do the effects of climate change have on the reciprocal relations?

Issues relating to climate change are ideally suited to examining the interaction between inequality and conviviality from a transregional perspective. Thus, the effects of human activities on the climate are not bound to a specific location: No matter where on earth climate-damaging emissions occur, it is known that they have consequences for the entire planet. But the social and environmental damage caused by these activities is unevenly distributed both socially and geographically. These initially abstract interdependencies were illustrated using specific cases in our workshop.

A good example is electromobility, which is at the heart of the German and European decarbonization strategy. In this regard, the contributions of an environmental activist from the Brazilian Jequitinhonha Valley, now renamed the Lithium Valley, and the representatives of the Grünheide citizens’ initiative in Brandenburg, which is fighting against the expansion of a so-called gigafactory for electric cars, were particularly relevant. During the exchange between activists and researchers, it became clear that individual electromobility contributes to better air quality, especially in cities, but that in the overall balance it has enormous social, environmental and climate consequences both in Latin America and Europe.

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How can Mecila contribute to a better understanding and management of the effects of climate change?

In addition to comprehensive interdisciplinarity, the Mecila Center has followed the principle of transdisciplinarity since its foundation in 2017. This covers methodological approaches that consciously reject the rigid separation between “subjects of knowledge” (scientists) and “objects of knowledge” (groups under investigation). Rather, it is a dialogical and collaborative work process in which scientific and practice-oriented approaches intertwine. This concept was given a more concrete form in the workshop and proved to be extremely productive. It became clear that indigenous and other so-called traditional communities make a genuine contribution to understanding and overcoming the climate crisis through their philosophies and ways of life, in which people and nature are not seen as separate entities but as a continuum. Science, on the other hand, sheds light on the complex entanglements that make up climate change.

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The motto of your workshop was “Together at last?”. Which topics were discussed particularly intensively?

The history shared between Europe and Latin America has been characterized by colonialism, slavery and economic dependence. In the workshop, we asked ourselves whether climate change would fundamentally alter the relationship between the two regions. The provisional answer is: unfortunately not. At least in the short term, Europe and especially Germany are in a position to export the costs of climate adaptation and their own crises. This became particularly clear in the discussions on German coal imports from Colombia. The contributions by an environmental and women’s rights activist from the indigenous Wayuu community and a human rights activist from the indigenous Yupka community made it clear how the growing demand from Germany following the interruption of Russian coal imports is inextricably linked to the contamination of water sources, the destruction of habitats and famine for various indigenous communities and peasants in Colombia. Moreover, the drastic consequences of coal mining and the corresponding combustion for global warming are well known, regardless of the region of the world in which this takes place.

What is your conclusion about the event? Are there any solutions?

The dialog between researchers and activists on climate issues highlighted the urgency of replacing national pseudo-solutions to the climate crisis with planetary perspectives. The importance of the interdependencies between the different regions of the world as well as between humans and nature for the maintenance of life on the planet is becoming the focus of interest in terms of knowledge and action. 

What other events are planned for 2024?

I would particularly like to highlight our Annual Meeting, which will take place in São Paulo from October 7 – 11, 2024. Other exciting Mecila events take place almost weekly, as you can see in our program of activities.

Thank you very much for the interesting interview, Prof. Costa!

#30

1st Mecila Alumni Symposium: Bridging Knowledge and Fostering Collaboration

Global Convivial Forum 

Raquel Rojas (Postdoctoral Investigator, Mecila / FU Berlin)

Mecila 1st Alumni Symposium.
Image: Nina Leibbrandt

The 1st Mecila Alumni Symposium served as a catalyst for reconnection, insights for new fellows, and collective reflections within the Mecila community.

 

From 2 to 4 November 2023, a vibrant gathering took place in Berlin as former Mecila Fellows reunited to discuss the progress of their research since concluding their stay in São Paulo in November 2022. The symposium served as a platform for discussions, reflections, and exchanges, highlighting the pivotal role of the Maria Sibylla Merian Centres of Advanced Studies in reshaping academic landscapes and reducing global knowledge asymmetries.

In his inaugural address, Freie Universität Berlin President Günther M. Ziegler underscored the significance of the Merian Centres as instruments of science diplomacy, fostering academic freedom even in challenging political climates. He emphasized their role in facilitating collaboration among scholars socialized in various academic cultures, thereby contributing to overcoming colonial and Eurocentric legacies still present in the humanities and social sciences in Europe and Germany. The Ambassador of Brazil in Germany, Roberto Jaguaribe, and the representative of the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research, Ministry Counselor Vivien Baganz, also emphasized Mecila’s pivotal role in promoting cooperation on an equal footing between scholars and institutions from Germany, Latin America, and worldwide.  

The symposium provided a variety of settings in which former and future fellows, principal investigators, postdoctoral investigators, and other members of the Mecila community could engage in lively discussions, conversations, and exchanges.

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The first panel delved into the contributions of centres of advanced studies to both local and global academic communities. It emphasized the importance of giving researchers the time and space to think (and rethink) their projects in order to come up with new ideas, while providing an environment in which they can learn with and from colleagues across different disciplines, thus enriching their perspectives. The Merian Centres, in particular, were commended for bridging mainstream and alternative circuits of knowledge dissemination thereby enhancing their potential for innovative knowledge production. Their practices are designed to promote symmetric dialogues and collaborations between scholars and non-academic experts (activists, indigenous leaders, artists, practitioners) from various regions, generations, and social positions. Participants also stressed the need to intensify efforts in involving science policymakers, governments, and funding institutions in dialogues designed to highlight the benefits of promoting horizontal cooperation between institutions from the Global North and the Global South.

The second day began with a tour of Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin (WIKO) and the Forum Transregional Studies, offering insights into their history, work, and ongoing projects. In the afternoon, the interdisciplinary panels led by former fellows focused on overcoming epistemic violence, redefining established concepts, and prioritizing marginalized voices and agency. Discussions highlighted the importance of embracing diverse epistemologies and methods that respect and acknowledge the perspectives of research interlocutors.

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On the last day, after a comprehensive discussion about collaborative research experiences, Mecila’s role in advancing fellows’ projects, and future collaborations, the symposium concluded with an on-site discussion at the Floating University Berlin, emphasizing the need to bridge academic and non-academic knowledge and involve communities in researchers’ projects. This underscored the overarching theme of the symposium: the imperative to challenge colonial and Eurocentric legacies through collaborative theoretical and methodological approaches.

In essence, the 1st Mecila Alumni Symposium served as a catalyst for reconnection, insights for new fellows, and collective reflections within the Mecila community. It showcased the transformative potential of academic collaboration and knowledge exchange, shaping a more inclusive and equitable future for social sciences and humanities.

Mecila 1st Alumni Symposium.
Image: Nina Leibbrandt

#28

The Tip of Mecila’s Iceberg: Collective Testimonial

Global Convivial Forum 

Jörg Dünne, Vanessa Massuchetto, Joanna Moszczynska, Jessica O’Leary,
Raphael Schapira, Simone Toji, Ana Carolina Torquato, Daniela Vicherat Mattar (Fellows 2022)
 

En este texto the fellows 2022 queremos describir en parte nuestra experiencia en Mecila. Hemos armado un texto usando como inspiración na idea surrealista del “cadavre exquis”. Todas y todos contibuimos con un párrafo en cada una de las secciones que articulan el texto, and we did it in the different languages we spoke during out fellowship. Finalmente, decidimos manter a autoria coletiva, como um reflexo de nossa experiência como fellows.

Locating Mecila

Visto desde el patio del Cebrap en Vila Mariana, Mecila parece bien übersichtlich (easy to be grasped at one glance): en la parte de atrás trabajan la mayoría de los fellows, en la parte de delante el staff del Mecila y en medio hay el bar donde todos se encuentran. Mas não é assim tão simples: Prussian bureaucracy rules
also in Brazil, directors from Cologne falam portunhol (pode ser Pedro), y los libros del Iberoamerikanisches Institut no pasan por la aduana brasileña. At the Annual Meeting in October, the hidden part of the Mecila iceberg finally appears…
 
Arriving at Mecila, I was very excited and curious about what 2022 was going to be like. All my expectations were surpassed not only because of the high academic level of all studies we debated, but mostly because of the people. The principal and associated investigators, the people from the coordination office, the Ph.D. students, and, of course, our group of fellows amazed me on a daily basis with a very very kind conviviality.
 
Entonces, yo puedo decir que el ambiente de trabajo de Mecila es tan agradable como el de la casa de Cebrap. Personas muy maravillosas, construcción de relaciones sinceras y trato siempre muy humanizado entre todos, me he sentido realmente querida y respectada. Toda esta experiencia la llevaré para siempre en lo más profundo de mi corazón.
 
Não esperava encontrar um grupo de fellows e uma comunidade tão generosa quando eu embarquei para o Brasil pela primeira vez faz dois anos. Para ser sincera, tinha um pouco de medo sobre minha recepção por ter chegado tão tarde. Porém, fui recebida with open arms and open minds. Tanto minhas metodologias de pesquisa quanto minhas redes de colegas se desenvolveram graças à oportunidade cedida pelo Mecila. Fico muito feliz quando penso sobre meu tempo como Junior Fellow e sobre as colaborações e trabalhos coletivos que o futuro trará.
 
Há una mesa at Cebrap. E uma sala de trabalho en USP. Um auditório no Cebrap. A meeting room at USP. Hay el espacio vivo de la cafeteria en Cebrap. E os corredores vazios de la USP. Livros para consultar online pelo site do
Iberoamerikanisches Institut. Books to handle physically at the Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros. There is the coordination office in São Paulo. Y el staff remoto desde Cologne y Berlin. Há doctorandos, Junior and Senior Fellows, los pesquisadores principais e associados. Também os distinguished lecturers e las equipas temáticas. Isso é um pouquinho de Mecila. Isso é um pouquinho de São Paulo. E um tantão de generosity, rigor, criatividad, hospitalidade, friendship e, why not?, convivialidad.

collective testimonial
Mecila Archive/Photo by Marina Belisario
São Paulo – Sampa – SP – a city that seems infinite. I came here searching for space to think about my research (and life) differently. SP gave me that. Was it intimidating? Of course! Was it worth it? Even more! Mecila sits well in this city: it is a centre that offers a space to think and dissent with . As an intellectual space Mecila values and encourages different approaches, methodologies, disciplines, life trajectories, languages and projects. This implies there is some level of chaos: a bit is avoidable improving logistics, most of it is the necessary messiness to keep the space open to different engagements. Vamos lá!
 
Coming to São Paulo for work and going to Rio de Janeiro several times for fieldwork has been a personal and professional experience that has enriched me profoundly. The people I met and exchanged experiences with were extremely generous in sharing their time with me, which makes me very grateful for having had the chance to come to Brazil as a Mecila Junior Fellow. However, this experience came at the cost of being away from my family for too long. What felt like a privilege initially became a difficult obligation over the long run. Maybe, the hybrid modes of combining working online and offline developed during the pandemic could help us create more family-friendly models of academic fellowships.
 
Encontros e reencontros: o Mecila foi lugar de convivialidades em diferentes níveis. A casa linda do Cebrap, a ilha verde de Vila Mariana, as árvores longevas e o prédio moderno da USP, a parede infinita de livros do IEB, la Universidad de La Plata… So much space filled with tanta gente boa! O Mecila foi um processo de descoberta constante, aos poucos a imensidão da rede de pesquisadores foi se revelando mais nítida. Acá se puede ver todo: un microcosmos del mundo contemporáneo. Saudade. Nostalgia. Sehnsucht.
 
Although my stay at Mecila in SP lasted only six months and I was not able to participate in the annual meeting, I feel I am an integral part of this one-of-a-kind convivial constellation that we have created. But there is also my personal story entangled within, that will stay with me for my whole life. Between colloquia and
doctors appointments, research and unpredicted need for a nap, commuting to Cebrap and an overwhelming wave of nausea, an uncontrollable urge to enjoy uma coxinha and having to find comfort in torrada, we made it through! Me and my Polish-Brazilian-Berliner-Mecilan baby Junior Fellow. Thank you, dear Mecila colleagues and friends, for all the support, to make my last three months in São Paulo not any less enjoyable!
 

São Paulo como laboratório da convivialidade e desigualdade

Ser parte de Mecila comienza antes de llegar a São Paulo, once there, es como formar parte de una comunidad en constante proceso de reproducción: intelectual, política, afectiva. Hay muchas formas en las que la comunidad se materializa día a día: el café en el Cebrap, la búsqueda de lugares nuevos para almorzar, ir a tomar unas cervezas o cachacinhas por ahí, compartir el gusto por descubrir comidas nuevas (desde el Amazonas a Taiwan!) y tantos, pero tantos, eventos culturales y artísticos que nutren y dan forma a esta experiencia individual, y también colectiva, de formar parte de Mecila.
 
São Paulo é um laboratório da convivialidade e desigualdade. Devido à pandemia, o número de indivíduos sem abrigo e consumidores de substâncias tóxicas aumentou, assim como a desigualdade social. E é impossível fazer vista grossa a essa situação de precariedade. O significado da convivialidade em nossos projetos teve que ser confrontada com o espaço por nós vivido, compartilhado; com os contrastes drásticos da vida urbana em uma metrópole de 20 milhões de habitantes. Também o significado da consciência da classe social tornou-se urgente a repensar, tendo em vista o êxito do presidente Lula em eleições recentes em outubro de 2022. Tem esperança? Tem sim. Eu nunca esquecerei o dia em que vi um jovem homem em condição de rua perto da Praça da República sentado no chão e lendo Durkheim.
 
As I am crossing the bridge from Vila Mariana to the Ibirapuera Park, I follow the gigantic letters written on it: “BRASIL TERRA INDÍGENA”. Watching the impressive ebb and flow of cars below, I ponder how the missing verb gives the phrase a timeless and undefined character. As I look at the obelisk in the distance, I am reminded how I witnessed to its feet an impressive motorcycle caravan celebrating an elderly, unhealthy looking man wanting to get re-elected. It was loud, stinky, and full of exhilarated men. Given the martyr-related inscriptions on the Obelisk, it seemed only consequential for the rally to end there: fascism loves death. If democracy wants to survive, it must learn to love life, disconnect itself from the logic of hypermasculinity and extractivism, and protect the protectors of the land. BRASIL É TERRA INDÍGENA.
 
La comunidad Mecila is an ever-evolving being, com múltiplas estruturas e variadas formas de encuentro. Between the virtual and the face-to-face, hay muchas posibilidades de contato e trocas. Una se va haciendo como miembro de Mecila in participating in the online meetings of the Research Areas o los encuentros presenciales del General Colloquium y el Annual Meeting, como también interaccionando con os working papers, podcasts, assim como os textos do blog ou the Glossary video series. There are many ways to engage with esta grande rede, que no se agota con la estadia temporária en Sāo Paulo. Pero la estadia is a discovery adventure em si mesma…
 
Most of us were living in a semi-touristic environment, moving like urban nomads from one temporary residence to another, escaping from noisy construction sites in the neighborhood and looking for places that weren’t too cold and neither too gray during the long and rainy winter days of São Paulo. But since not so many tourists stay here for more than a few days, when I had successfully acquired my CPF number, my RNM and my bilhete único, I considered myself entitled to share the city “locally” with its other residents through the weak, but persistent ties of its daily infrastructures.
 
São Paulo is not a very popular city among Brazilians. Most Brazilians, whether paulistano or otherwise, tell me that São Paulo é uma cidade difícil. When I lived here for the first time in 2018, I did not share that experience. But this time I definitely had my moments of frustration with the city – the traffic, the pace, the bureaucracy. Even so, I have a certain fondness for its skyscrapers, its street art, its chaos. I feel more connected to locals having a complicated relationship with SP, and will miss its charms once I’m gone.
 
collaborative testimonial
Mecila Archive/Photo by Marina Belisario
The constant noise and the overwhelming urban landscape are some of my issues with the city. I feel like I cannot remember what silence is anymore. São Paulo definitely has a way of making itself present in your body and mind. However, having the experience of living in one of the largest cities in South America has taught me much about living together, convivialidade, about Brazil, and about myself. It’s been a remarkable experience which I’ll certainly never forget.
 
Confesso que eu tinha na cabeça vários estereótipos desta cidade antes de estar nela por nove meses. Em anos anteriores, eu havia passado por ali apenas uns poucos dias e sempre sem entrar no mesmo fluxo dos citadinos. Algumas visitas turísticas aqui e ali, conhecer a Pinacoteca e o Teatro Municipal, passear no Viaduto do Chá e entrar no Largo São Francisco haviam sido algumas das minhas atividades quando estive por aí. Desta vez, nenhum daqueles meus estereótipos acabou sendo a São Paulo que encontrei. Seja por ter acompanhado a bateria feminista do PSOL em um domingo pré-eleições pela Avenida Paulista, seja por conviver com a politização às vistas nos espaços urbanos, seja pelas culinárias diversas que tive oportunidade de provar, São Paulo, por fim, surpreendeu-me. Fecho este momento da vida tendo sido muito feliz aqui. E, então, eis que o maior centro urbano da Capitania da qual também faço parte deixará marcas muito nostálgicas em minha vivência.

Pensando en conjunto

A space to meet and practice conviviality by discussing theory, methodology y otras cositas más. Un momento para compartir el trabajo de investigación en curso y recibir aportes de investigadores das mais variadas experiências e disciplinas. Um ambiente generoso no qual a apreciação e a crítica são exercidas de modo construtivo and insightful. A commitment para encontrarse periodicamente y conocer mais a fundo o trabalho de colegas fellows e doutorandos.
 
Esse lugar comum – que é bastante incomum – funciona como um oásis de saberes, cercado por plantas de várias espécies de animais e vegetais. Um mar de respiro em meio à paisagem gris paulistana; onde se encontra o silêncio dentre a poluição sonora de construções que nunca parecem cessar de modificar a paisagem. Eine Kaffeepause… y ya está! Escrever e pensar colaborativamente ficou mais fácil aqui.
 
Qual seria a receita para um trabalho convivial de escrita e pensamento? Almost fifty years ago Ryszard Kapuscinski upon his visit to Chile during the Cold War wrote:

I spent a long time forcing my way through that underbrush, the exuberance, the façades and the repetitions, the ornamentation and the demagogy, before I reached the person, before I could feel at home among these people and recognize their dramas, their defeats, moods, romanticism, their honour and treason, their loneliness.
(The Soccer War, 1992)

Conviviality in this sense, could be understood as a discipline of sensibility and integrity, intellectual and emotional. It seems that during our time in SP, we have managed to combined both.
 
It is rare indeed to share space, physically and intellectually, with such a group of generous scholars and thinkers in a city like São Paulo. Our casinha branca in Vila Mariana functioned like an oasis, with its greenery and quiet away from the hustle and bustle of the city, while our pilgrimages to USP reminded us of the special academic setting in which we found ourselves. Conviviality is often marked by inequality, as our studies and conversations often suggest, but my experience of Mecila conviviality has been one of few tensions and fewer
inequalities and, instead, one of rich opportunities for growth and friendship.
 
Esse embodiment das convivialidades nos trouxe o que de melhor a academia pode proporcionar. É como havermos vivido na prática alguns dos temas que se intercruzam com as nossas pesquisas sempre em termos muito positivos. O crescimento que tivemos não apenas nos momentos dos eventos acadêmicos como os
General Colloquium e o Annual Meeting, bem como nos contatos diários com os colegas de trabalho irão nos acompanhar para sempre em um local de profundo carinho em nossos corações. Saímos desta experiência com a felicidade que o partilhar a vida e o trabalho com pessoas incríveis nos trouxe.
 
How to feel at home when being uprooted? Uno de los costos de migrar (biográficamente, y también intelectualmente) es que a veces es difícil encontrar certezas. Es especial encontrar un grupo humano académico con la generosidad y el rigor suficientes como para ofrecer certezas en la crítica. Es difícil encontrar un espacio abierto que contenga y abrigue como el Cebrap (y la USP). Es muy gratificante haber sido parte de este proyecto, con sus dificultades y muchas virtudes, especialmente la de seguir preguntándose sobre la posibilidad de vivir juntes en un mundo, y una América Latina, desigual.

Un seminario es un laboratorio común que permite a cada uno de los
participantes articular sus prácticas y sus propios conocimientos. […] [L]os
efectos de producción discursiva que engendra no son más que
tangenciales en relación con la riqueza proliferante y silenciosa de los
viajeros que se detienen un rato en la estación.

(Michel de Certeau, “¿Qué es un seminario?”, 1978)

We cannot escape the effects of power: Who speaks and moves when, where, and how? Where are people located in space? How is space structured, and which forms of associating does it facilitate? Who is present, and who is not? Of course, there is no (academic) space free of these questions, but working in a Mecila environment in which these form part of the researchers’ agenda also influences how people relate to each other. Maybe this is why Mecila fosters such a supportive research community, and it would be only consequential to invite more (organic) intellectuals from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds into it to yield new perspectives on the conviviality-inequality nexus.

Mecila/ DALL.E

#29

Uma visita ao Museu das Culturas Indígenas de São Paulo: Lembranças, ecos y reflexiones polifónicas

Global Convivial Forum 

Flávia Meireles, Berit Callsen, Mariana Simoni
(Mecila Thematic Research Group 2023)
Passamos uma tarde sendo guiadas/os pelas mestras/es dos saberes e educadores, que nos apresentaram quem faz e como funciona o MCI, visitando suas exposições atuais e sensibilizando-nos sobre os modos de conhecer/viver indígenas que dão vida aquele espaço.

 

Um lugar físico para a Transformação. Inscrever essa Transformação escrevendo-a na faixa pendurada em uma construção de concreto, mas com isso também deslocá-la, impedir sua rigidez, insinuando que ela pode ocorrer em qualquer ponto daquele espaço limitado – demarcado – do Museu das Culturas Indígenas (MCI) convertido em “Tava” – Casa de Transformação.

Em nossa primeira visita cultural, no dia 22 de junho de 2023, e integrando o grupo de todos os Junior e Senior Fellows do Mecila, nós – Flavia Meireles, Berit Callsen e Mariana Simoni, agrupadas como Thematic Research Group –, estivemos no Museu das Culturas Indígenas, prédio vizinho ao Parque Água Branca, na cidade de São Paulo. Importante mencionar que tal visita estava dentro de uma programação mais extensa, com organização de Roberta Hesse, da short-term visit do intelectual equatoriano do povo Palta Ángel Ramírez, vice-reitor de Pesquisa e Extensão da Universidad Intercultural de las Nacionalidades y Pueblos Indígenas Amawtay Wasi (UINPIAW), em Quito (Equador). Ramírez estava conosco nesta visita como uma das diversas atividades que pudemos fazer juntos durante as duas semanas de sua estadia em São Paulo.

O MCI é, sob a perspectiva originária, chamado de Tava, ou Casa de Transformação, como contaram Cristine Takuá e Carlos Papá, dois dos gestores do Museu, em outra ocasião. Passamos essa tarde sendo guiadas/os pelas mestras/es dos saberes e educadores, que nos apresentaram quem faz e como funciona o MCI, visitando suas exposições atuais e sensibilizando-nos sobre os modos de conhecer/viver indígenas que dão vida aquele espaço.

Vale destacar que a gestão do MCI – que no último dia 29 de junho completou um ano de abertura –, é fruto da conquista dos movimentos indígenas (representados pelo Conselho Indígena Aty Mirim) de fomentar, na cidade de São Paulo, o direito ao território e à educação diferenciada através de uma gestão co-indígena. O MCI é, simultaneamente, lugar de acolhimento para indígenas e meio de educação para não-indígenas sobre – e, principalmente, com – os diferentes povos e cosmologias de Aby Ayala. Essa gestão é sediada em equipamento da Secretaria de Cultura e Economia Criativa do Estado de São Paulo, sob administração compartilhada entre o Instituto Maracá e a ACAM Portinari.

A visita começou com uma grande roda de boas-vindas na parte externa do MCI, em meio às intervenções artísticas nos muros e fachadas do prédio, que já nos envolviam com artes, imagens e grafismos de diversas etnias, dando cor, tom e destaque aos saberes indígenas espraiados por toda parte do imóvel, tornado ninho, refúgio e lugar de trocas indígenas. Também tivemos contato com artesanatos vendidos por indígenas que vêm de muitos territórios e têm no MCI um ponto de apoio para suas vendas.

Adentramos o prédio até o sétimo andar, local onde começou a visita guiada. Fomos descendo os andares e nos deparando com diferentes salas e exposições, que eram ativadas pelos mestres/as dos saberes, enriquecendo nossa experiência sensorial, cognitiva e cosmológica sobre as etnias.

A enorme cobra – cobra grande – localizada nesta sala multiuso, sobre a qual as pessoas visitantes eram convidadas a sentar, além de evocar a imagem da transformação em muitas cosmologias indígenas também provocavam de forma muito concreta a mudança da percepção das visitantes, porque as impelia, ainda que brevemente, a se relacionar com o próprio corpo de maneira diferente.

Ygapó terra firme

“Ygapó, do Tupi Antigo ‘Raízes d´Água’, é um ecossistema formado nas mais antigas regiões geológicas da terra, proveniente de milhões de anos para que a flora resistente pudesse enfrentar as condições de contínuas mudanças e um terreno pobre em nutrientes. […] Ygapó terra firme é a metáfora da resistência indígena, que mesmo em constante ameaça externa vem pela coletividade e compartilhamento de saberes tornar possível o vislumbre de uma futura existência.”

Estas frases se retoman del texto explicativo en la entrada de la segunda sala del museo que alberga una exposición del artista y curador Denilson Baniwa. Al entrar en este espacio llama la atención la oscuridad en él. Las paredes son negras, en ellas relucen escrituras, palabras e imágenes escritas y dibujadas con tiza en diferentes lenguas indígenas y en portugués – noticias, reacciones e impresiones dejadas por los visitantes que son iluminadas por pequeñas lámparas.

La mayor fuente de luz proviene de una pantalla grande en el fondo de la sala, en la que se proyectan diferentes vídeoclips de grupos musicales apropiándose de la cultura pop. Al acercarse a la pantalla, se nota una cuenca con agua en el suelo. El agua no está quieta, sino que se mueve debido a un aporte. Esta es la sala del Ygapó. La superficie líquida y dinámica refleja las imágenes de la pantalla, las multiplica, invierte y modifica. Además, el agua transporta el sonido a su profundidad; se vuelve tanto espejo coalescente como espacio de resonancia haciendo que la sala entera devenga en un ecosistema resistente.

El grupo de rap Oz Guarani canta:

“[…] O índio é forte e sobrevive jogado à própria sorte
O índio é forte e sobrevive jogado à própria sorte                                                             
Como pode, sem terra pra morar, sem rio para pescar
O Juruá [não indígena] desmata a mata e mata os M´bya [indígenas]
Mas Wera MC e Oz Guarani
Não cansa de lutar, e seguiremos assim até a morte
O índio é forte […]”

museu das culturas indígenas
museu das culturas indígenas 2
Créditos das imagens: Flávia Meireles

Los/as visitantes-espectadores están buscando su lugar en este espacio del que ya forman parte. Convivir en la diferencia, compartir espacio – en su libro Ideias para adiar o fim do mundo Ailton Krenak lo llama “fricção”, esto es “ser capaz de atrair uns aos outros pelas nossas diferenças, que derivam guiar o nosso roteiro de vida” (Krenak 2020: 33).

La sala del Ygapó cultiva raíces de agua, apela a la capacidad de la convivialidad, invita al diálogo, recordando y haciendo escuchar voces resistentes. En este espacio performativo, las paredes, la pantalla y el agua devienen dispositivos intermédiales de la polifonía.

Pero es el agua como dispositivo fluyente y movido que desprende una mayor dinámica material y una heterogeneidad semántica en este contexto. Así, la cuenca funge no solamente como espejo líquido de la pantalla, sino que, en relación de sinécdoque, puede hacer referencia al acuífero Guarani, una de las más grandes reservas subterráneas de agua dulce del planeta. Localizado en gran parte del territorio brasileiro, el acuífero es amenazado, constantemente, por la acción humana que conduce a la polución del suelo, a la contaminación y a la modificación de la vegetación nativa de la zona. Así, el agua en la sala del Ygapó no solo refleja el canto resistente, sino que lo incorpora y lo adquiere en un gesto de solidaridad existencial. Es este canto líquido que por medio de su materialidad fluida sabe irritar y subvertir también esquemas binarios. La liqui-dación de relaciones dicotómicas como las entre sujeto-objeto, hombre-naturaleza y agua-tierra puede ser uno de sus efectos epistémicos.

No andar seguinte chegamos, sempre guiados pelos mestres/as, a uma sala cujas paredes e teto eram cobertas de barro, dando uma coloração ocre ou de terra vermelha, sob uma penumbra e o chão coberto com ervas e folhas secas, de diferentes odores, perfumando nossa entrada e narinas. A sala, numa primeira vista, parecia um abrigo na floresta. Este espaço também faz parte da exposição “Ygapó – Terra Firme”, do artista Denilson Baniwa e traz para a Tava parte da floresta, dando relevo, cor, dimensão, escuta e olfato à experiência imersiva.

Museu das culturas indígenas 3
Créditos da imagem: Flávia Meireles

Houve convite para que ficássemos descalços, podendo sentir a textura e o barulho das ervas e folhas secas espalhadas pelo chão, como se entrássemos na mata ou numa casa na floresta, com diferentes cheiros e sons. As solas dos nossos pés eram, então, estimuladas por diferentes texturas e sons estalavam do contato delas com as folhas, anunciando por onde íamos e criando uma ambientação sonora coletiva, já que éramos muitos pés descalços na mesma sala. Isso trazia uma espacialização do som e nos dava pistas de por onde nossos colegas iam pelo espaço, produzindo música com os passos nesse ambiente mata-casa-núcleo expositivo. No centro da sala, parte em penumbra, parte visto, um tronco espesso de árvore estava deitado no chão, sugerindo que o utilizássemos como banco, como parceiro de apoio para nossos corpos, como lugar de descanso. Depois de um tempo circulando pelo espaço, numa coreografia sonora, nos sentamos no tronco ou ao redor dele para ouvir as histórias e causos de Natalício, indígena da etnia Guarani Mbya, morador da Terra Indígena (TI) do Jaraguá.

foto 4
Créditos da imagem: Flávia Meireles

Transformação no espaço e nos corpos

Nesta casa o fora e o dentro se integram de maneira tão orgânica que por um momento esta distinção parece ficar em suspenso. Por exemplo: “IMAKÃ UG KUHUKÊ” [“Mãe e filha, abrigo para os sonhos em tempos difíceis”], o mural com a imagem de uma mãe e uma bebê onça, da artista pataxó Tamikuã Txihi, que se encontra no pátio do Museu. Aqui a diferença de tamanho entre ambos os animais, mas também a própria posição de seu olhar recíproco – a mãe olha para baixo e a filha olha para cima – já remetem à transformação: o que chama atenção neste mural, além desta simples troca de olhares entre uma onça grande e uma pequena, é o toque entre elas, mais especificamente a ausência de espaço vazio entre seus corpos, que só ocorre no espaço verde entre as pernas dianteiras da onça-mãe. A contiguidade dos desenhos sugere uma continuidade na própria imaginação de quem olha, que automaticamente completa o corpo da onça filhote. Essa integração visual opera destruindo a ideia de tempo que situa a mãe no futuro, uma vez que o corpo da filha de fato não existe autônoma e materialmente sem o corpo da mãe. Ao mesmo tempo, quem olha precisa do corpo da filha para imaginar que o corpo da mãe se encontra no plano de trás, superposto por ele. Em outras palavras: aqui temos uma transformação que se configura simultaneamente no presente, no passado e no futuro. Que se faz ver no espaço. E nos corpos.

Muito mais do que um continente que abarca um conteúdo, um acervo de objetos, este museu parece operar como uma moldura que, antes de mais nada, afirma e inscreve performativamente seu direito de existir na geografia da cidade. Cristine Takuá afirma que o MCI não tem somente acervos, mas sim, pessoas, ressaltando o caráter dinâmico desse espaço como Tava que, a partir da lógica transitória da transformação, se abre para as culturas indígenas em constante movimento, afirmando, portanto, sua própria vida e atualidade.

foto 5
Créditos da imagem: Flávia Meireles

Krenak, Ailton (2020): Ideias para adiar o fim do mundo, São Paulo: Companhia das Letras.

#26

Memória, silenciamento, apagamento e identidade na escrita de Lúcia Hiratsuka e Rafaela Kawasaki

Um enterro de livros. Uma detenção por se falar outra língua que não o português. Estas são algumas das imagens que as escritoras Lúcia Hiratsuka e Rafaela Kawasaki evocam ao escrever sobre a vivência de famílias de migrantes japoneses e seus descendentes no Brasil durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Para elas, estas imagens não são somente elementos que constroem suas ficções, mas ecoam memórias que de diferentes maneiras habitam suas experiências pessoais e familiares.

Nascidas no Brasil, de avós que emigraram do Japão ainda nas décadas de 1920 e 1930 respectivamente, ambas atribuem um papel central à memória no desenvolvimento de algumas de suas narrativas. Em Os livros de Sayuri (SM, 2008), Lúcia Hiratsuka partiu das reminiscências de sua mãe sobre o momento em que viu os pais enterrando os livros de casa quando era criança. Em Peixes de aquário (Urutau, 2021), Rafaela Kawasaki se voltou aos relatos esparsos de seu avô sobre as proibições a que ficou sujeito durante a Segunda Guerra. Enquanto o primeiro livro foi concebido como narrativa infanto-juvenil, o segundo é considerado um romance histórico. Apesar das diferenças de gênero entre as obras, ao explorar memórias familiares pouco comentadas, as duas autoras trazem à luz histórias há muito tempo silenciadas, que surgem como testemunhos da violência realizada por autoridades e cidadãos brasileiros a inúmeros indivíduos e grupos de origem japonesa nas décadas de 1930 e 1940.

Simone Toji (Junior Fellow Mecila)

Sombras III. Arquivo pessoal de Simone Toji.

Sombras I. Arquivo pessoal de Simone Toji.

Silenciamento e apagamento

Para Rafaela Kawasaki, constituir seu texto e personagens a partir da memória dos atos repressivos executados pelo governo brasileiro dessa época é poder “falar dos impactos dessa condição de ser estrangeiro em um lugar, no caso no Brasil, e falar também sobre o silenciamento”. Para a autora, sua narrativa é “uma investigação sobre como é ser proibido de falar o seu próprio idioma, ter sua circulação restrita, ter a possibilidade de ter seus bens apreendidos, de ser considerado inimigo num lugar que por um período você estava construindo uma vida. Como era isso para a existência daquelas pessoas?”. Dessa maneira, ela considera que seu trabalho ficcional questiona as falsas ideias de que o Brasil é um país receptivo e hospitaleiro a todos. “A gente tem de tocar nestas feridas para não criar essas falsas ideias, porque essas falsas ideias ajudam a propagar mais xenofobia e mais intolerância. Mas é preciso fazer isso trazendo também os momentos de afeto”.

Nesse sentido também, para Lúcia Hiratsuka, escrever sobre este período não é somente uma forma de denúncia. “Para mim, tem que ter alguma coisa que me emociona, que me toca para começar a criar. A partir daí uma história vai se construindo. No caso de Os livros de Sayuri, tocou primeiro o enterro dos livros. Que imagem forte, me veio a vontade de contar uma história”. Mas, para Hiratsuka, as experiências dos migrantes japoneses e seus descendentes não foram negligenciadas apenas no Brasil. Ela acha que “houve um pouco de apagamento dessa história dos emigrantes no Japão e não parece haver um grande interesse para que os jovens conheçam esta história”. Segundo ela, havia um pensamento no Japão de que os emigrantes fossem considerados “como se tivessem fugido da guerra, como se fossem covardes. Durante as comemorações dos cem anos da imigração, creio que alguns seriados e documentários talvez mudaram um pouco essa ideia. Mas não sei se chamou a atenção dos jovens”.

Ser migrante, ser diferente

A sensibilidade para dar atenção a essas memórias subterrâneas e silenciadas por meio da literatura de ficção emergiu não somente das relações das autoras com seus familiares de ascendência japonesa, mas também da própria vivência delas enquanto migrantes no Japão, ao experimentar a condição de serem consideradas diferentes pelos japoneses. Para Kawasaki, sua percepção de que no Brasil “ainda existem muitas microviolências com a comunidade nipo-brasileira, que vem na forma de piada, de fetichização ou de brincadeiras na pronúncia de palavras” está estreitamente associada à sua experiência de ter passado parte de sua infância e adolescência como dekassegui no Japão. Apesar de às vezes haver uma curiosidade amistosa com relação a brasileiros neste país, ela sente que também há muita violência no dia-a-dia de brasileiros que migram para trabalhar temporariamente por lá. Por pertencer a uma família na qual seu avô japonês casou-se com sua avó brasileira, e seu pai nipo-brasileiro com sua mãe ítalo-brasileira, Rafaela sempre foi considerada alguém diferente pelos japoneses. Nas suas palavras, “eu tenho algo de japonês, mas eu tenho algo de japonês misturado. Um brasileiro dekassegui de aparência não tão nipônica, ele se sobressai como diferente. Nas ruas, a gente sofre muitas situações de violência, tanto de pessoas nas lojas ficarem grudadas na gente, como se a gente fosse roubar, nos seguindo ou alertando outro atendente sobre nossa presença, quanto de crianças jogarem pedra e falarem ‘Volta pro Brasil!’”.

No caso de Hiratsuka, sua experiência no Japão não se remete a episódios tão explícitos de preconceito. Ainda assim, ela também foi surpreendida quando se deparou com a vida por lá. Ao receber uma bolsa de estudos de uma universidade da região de origem de seus pais, ela relata que, “além de conhecer o Japão e ter contato com meus parentes, foi uma oportunidade importante para pensar a minha identidade também. Percebi que eu era muito diferente de uma pessoa da minha idade nascida e crescida no Japão. De início, foi um choque, porque aqui no Brasil me consideravam japonesa. No Japão, você descobre que não é bem assim, você se sente brasileira. Então fica um pouco desse sem-lugar, mas eu achei bom entender melhor essa identidade, principalmente o lado brasileiro”. De maneira semelhante, Kawasaki também questiona o lugar de sua identidade. “Eu não sou japonesa? Eu não sou brasileira? Em que lugar eu estou? Ou eu sou brasileira e japonesa? Qual é a minha identidade?”

 

Sombras III
Uma literatura entre identidades

É justamente no movimento sempre inacabado entre estar consciente destas questões e ir em direção a alguma resposta que ambas as escritoras exercem sua escrita, cada uma produzindo uma presença literária singular. Hiratsuka menciona o seguinte: “À medida que estou fazendo um novo livro, percebo que vou descobrindo mais do Brasil e de mim mesma, dessa identidade que não é só nipo-brasileira, mas também é a minha individualidade”. E ao explorar essa identidade, a autora considera que “quando construo uma narrativa, o cenário pode ser da roça, pode ser do Japão, pode ser a cidade de São Paulo, ou qualquer outro lugar, mas o ponto de partida é sempre uma questão humana, de como a vida é cheia de surpresas. Essas coisas inusitadas que a gente não espera, quando perguntamos se foi o acaso ou um fato do destino, ou um livre arbítrio. O ponto de partida sempre são os sentimentos humanos, de curiosidade, espanto, ciúme… O resto serve como pano de fundo”. Nessa direção, não se sente à vontade quando Os livros de Sayuri é classificado, por exemplo, apenas como obra associada à imigração japonesa ou associado a algum tipo de cota de diversidade, já que percebe seus livros circularem para além de tais rótulos.

De outra parte, é com tranquilidade que Kawasaki considera Peixes de aquário um livro que “entra nesse movimento de busca de identidades históricas e étnicas”, também produzindo uma certa descentralização, pois “apesar da história se passar em São Paulo, ela está num eixo de interior”, tendo sido escrita por uma autora que reside no momento no Paraná. Ademais, Rafaela reconhece que “é um livro que faz parte desse movimento de valorização da escrita pela mulher ­– se não de valorização, pelo menos de uma abertura maior”. Por isso, é também de modo afirmativo que ela reivindica uma identidade brasileira e amarela. “Eu me identifico como uma pessoa brasileira e como uma pessoa amarela. Para quem é mestiça como eu, você pode passar por branca no Brasil, mas você também não é branca e é importante ter consciência dessa raiz étnica. Então para mim, esses dois movimentos, tanto de reafirmação como brasileira, como de afirmação como pessoa amarela, são bastante importantes para a integridade da minha visão de mundo, até como mulher”.

É justamente na diversidade de estilos e experiências pessoais de vida e escrita que autoras brasileiras de legado nipônico estão trazendo para o debate público histórias que estavam “esperando” para ser escritas, conforme, citando Marina Colasanti, observa Hiratsuka: “às vezes a gente espera pela história, mas às vezes a história espera por nós”.

Sombras I

Global Convivial Forum 

#25

Pensar la escuela desde la Convivialidad

Global Convivial Forum 

Osvaldo Barreneche (Associated Investigator Mecila)

Osvaldo Barreneche con el libro Pensar la escuela desde la Convivialidad. Un libro para directores. 

Con la reciente publicación del libro de Inés Fior y Fernando Zullo, Pensar la escuela desde la Convivialidad. Un libro para directores, de la Editorial Autores de Argentina, se obtiene una respuesta concreta a la pregunta que muchas veces, en soledad, nos hacemos: ¿Es que hay alguien, fuera de los especialistas y estudiosos de un tema académico, al que le interese todo lo que hacemos?

Los autores de este libro cuentan con una amplia formación pedagógica y con una experiencia de gestión importante en el ámbito educativo. Fue casi de casualidad, pocos meses antes del inicio de la pandemia, que uno de ellos se enteró de la existencia del MECILA y de los estudios sobre convivialidad y desigualdad en América Latina. Entonces, por cuenta propia, los autores utilizaron todos los recursos disponibles en el sitio web MECILA, a partir del cual profundizaron la bibliografía sobre Convivialidad y la pusieron en diálogo con sus propias elaboraciones conceptuales y con su experiencia profesional.

IMG_7097(1)

El resultado, totalmente inesperado y sorpresivo para el colectivo académico del MECILA, es este libro, fruto de dicho recorrido. Más allá de las consideraciones que se puedan hacer sobre este producto y su contenido, es muy alentador como hecho en sí.

Que los recursos disponibles en nuestro sitio web y sus derivados hayan sido la base para este libro, muestra la importancia del esfuerzo que continuamente se hace para difundir y ampliar el círculo académico específico del proyecto MECILA. Aquí, de manera totalmente independiente y centrado en un tema como el pedagógico, Fior y Zullo nos presentan este resultado, el cual, como se indica en la contratapa de la publicación, propone “como marco interpretativo y de acción el concepto de convivialidad para explorar las formas de comprender, intervenir y mejorar la manera en que suceden las relaciones escolares”.

#24

A Short History of Aquariums: Scientific Curiosity, Aesthethic Delight and Conviviality

Global Convivial Forum 

Ana Carolina Torquato (Junior Fellow Mecila)

Lady with a Japanese Screen and Goldfish, James Cadenhead (1858–1927).

In my research year as a Junior Postdoctoral fellow at Mecila, I have been dealing with the subject of animal captivity as means of entertainment. I am primarily interested in the representation of such establishments as zoos and aquariums in literature to understand better what kinds of thoughts, impressions, feelings, or questionings these “face-to-face moments” arise in the stories I delved into.

In the contemporary world, it is very common to find zoological gardens and aquariums in basically every big city around the globe. Their purpose as institutions which promote human/animal contact as their basic means for entertainment has not changed much since their early formats. However, although zoos and aquariums have similar characteristics, their history is different in situation and time. Whereas zoological gardens date back to earlier forms of private (and royal) animal collections, to menageries, to finally having the layout they have now – a place which displays animals, mostly terrestrial ones, to a wide public – aquariums have a more recent and somewhat multipurposed appearance in history.

A Brief History of the Aquariums

Human beings have a long tradition of keeping fish and other aquatic animals in the surroundings of the home. Naturally, the purpose behind such practice has changed significantly over time. There are signs of humans keeping fish at home as a food supply and an ornament to beautify their living spaces and gardens (Vernon 2001). In my research, I am particularly interested in the latter form of fish keeping, for they show us light into the history of aquariums as objects of aesthetic observation.

 

Although these species seem to have lost part of their ancient charm in contemporary times, one of the most beloved species in the history of fish keeping for ornamental purposes was the goldfish (Brunner 2005). These golden beings may be one of the kick-starters of a tradition that would become a fever in places like China, Japan, and some European countries.

While raising fish in water gardens has been a tradition in many places around the world, the modern idea of domestic conviviality between humans and aquatic animals was first popularized in the mid-nineteenth century with the creation of the at-home aquariums. Since then, the popularity of home aquariums grew fast and gave room to a genuine Age of aquariums: a time when educational interests, aesthetic curiosities, and the domesticity of unconventional pets revolved around one object.

The history of aquariums as we know them today starts with the creation of home aquariums. Such history was shaped by the collective work of many intellectuals and natural historians worldwide. Among these, two of the most frequently mentioned names belonged to two women: Anna Thynne (England, 1806–1866) and Jeanne Villepreux-Power (France, 1794 –1871).

Jeanne Villepreux-Power street in Paris is located in the vicinity of the Parc Zoologique Bois de Vincennes, a true Victorian aquarium kept at the Horniman Museum’s aquarium in London. (Personal archive.)

A true Victorian aquarium kept at the Horniman Museum’s aquarium in London. (Personal Archive.)

Anna Thynne had an important role in the history of aquariums. She became quite well-known for her investigation of madrepores and stone corals and for discovering the recipe of one of the essential rules of the at-home aquariums: how to keep aquatic animals alive (in saltwater) at home (Scott 2003). Anna’s discoveries were considered fundamental for the development of the aquarium in its private and public forms. Her work was praised by Philip Henry Gosse, known as the creator of the public aquarium in its early form in Britain. In 1853, Gosse stocked the Fish House which was annexed to the London Zoo. Allegedly, the name ‘aquarium’ – as opposed to ‘aqua-vivarium’ –  was first used by Philip Henry Gosse in The Aquariums: An Unveiling of the Wonders of the Deep Water (1854).

Jeannette Villepreux-Power was notorious for creating aquariums used mainly for observation purposes. She used aquariums as containers of marine animal life for conducting experimentation with aquatic organisms or studying their anatomy and form. Contrary to Anna Thynne, Villepreux-Power did not believe the home aquarium to be a good way to observe aquatic animals’ behaviour, so to embrace this thinking, she settled in a place where she could have easy access to the ocean. For this reason, most of her independent work was then carried on in Sicily, Italy. Villepreux-Power published a few books about her investigations, such as Observations et expériences physiques sur plusieurs animaux marins et terrestres (1839). Both Thynne and Villepreux-Power lived in a time when women could not attend university, and all that they knew or researched was mainly the result of independent work. Also, for this reason, although their interest in contributing to the history of sciences was genuine, not much of it was publicly credited for their real scientific importance.

The Age of Aquariums

In the nineteenth century, keeping aquariums at home became a fever among Europeans. Among the aquarium-maniacs, you could find naturalists interested in studying aquatic animals from up-close, people who would keep fish at home to use them for their diet, and people who wanted to display the aquarium as an object of prestige and high social status (Granata 2021).

Soon, as they became luxury items, the at-home aquariums became must-have items among the upper classes. Aquariums were particularly popular in Britain, and soon they started to occupy a central place in Victorian living rooms. Their earlier formats were quite simple and often did not promote 360º visibility, one of the qualities of modern fish tanks. However, since they became valuable decorative articles, aquariums started being produced with glass on all sides to guarantee unobstructed observation from any corner of the living room. Aquariums were said to occupy a similar value as television sets in modern houses. This object needed to be displayed in the centre while all the furniture was arranged around it.

The Public Aquariums

Most of the success of the at-home aquariums was due to their multi-purpose use: they were both exciting modes to observe marine life and also objects that promoted aesthetic observation delights and social entertainment. So, as aquariums became a more common trend by the day, they soon called the attention of naturalists/business people that saw their potential to become a similar leisure experience as that of zoological gardens.

Many public aquariums were inaugurated from the mid-nineteenth century onwards: The Fish House at the ZSL London Zoo opened in 1853, the Aquarium of the Jardin Acclimatation and the Vienna Aquarium Salon in 1860, the Hamburg Marine Aquarium Temple in 1864, the Naples Aquarium in 1866, the Berlin Aquarium Unter den Linden in 1869, the Brighton Aquarium in 1872, the Amsterdam Artis Aquarium in 1882, among others.

Some of these public institutions fostered similar qualities as those of the home aquariums since they combined educational values and artistic and aesthetic interests. Some of them were constructed in scenic art nouveau-inspired buildings. These buildings are an example of a tradition that established fine architectural structures in public zoos and aquariums that would continue to exist later. A few examples are Moritz Lehmann’s main portal of the Tierpark Hagenbeck in Hamburg (1907), Lubetkin’s Penguin Pool (1934) at the London Zoo, René-Félix Berger’s Grande Fauverie (1937) at the Jardin des Plantes, the Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi’s belle époche portal (1883) or even the Quinta da Boa Vista Zoo’s English-style portal.

The quality of associating aesthetic beauty with animal keeping seems to have been elicited from the experience of the observation of aquatic animals. In an article discussing the artistic value of aquarium observation, Nola Semczyszyn considers the subject of environmental aesthetics, specifically around the observation of aquariums as artwork themselves: “Seeing natural objects in art categories can be creative, and “metaphorical seeing” can yield deeper aesthetic appreciation” (Semczyszyn 2013).

This historical trend that possibly started with the rise of nineteenth-century zoological gardens and has achieved its peak in the Age of aquariums, still exists in the present time. Architects of the twenty-first century have been experimenting even more boldly with public aquariums’ format and immersion potential. Now, it seems that the beauty around the observation of aquatic animals not only lies within spectatorship but also in having the feeling of being surrounded by the ocean itself.

+

Bernd Brunner (2005): The Ocean at Home: An Illustrated History of the Aquarium, Princeton Architectural Press.

Silvia Granata (2021):  The Victorian Aquarium: Literary Discussions on Nature, Culture, and Science, Manchester University Press.

Nola Semczyszyn (2013): “Public Aquariums and Marine Aesthetics”, in: Contemporary Aesthetics, 11.

Rebecca Stott (2003): Theatres of Glass: The Woman Who Brought the Sea to the City, Short Books.

Vernon N. Kisling (2001): Zoo and Aquarium History: Ancient Animal Collections to Zoological Gardens, CRC Press.

#21

“We Must Push Back Against Authoritarian Legalism”: An Interview with Prof. William E. Scheuerman

“It’s not old-fashioned dictatorship; it’s somehow a new form of authoritarianism. And I think we have to worry about that.”

Global Convivial Forum 

Gabriel Brito (NDD-Cebrap), Marina Slhessarenko (NDD-Cebrap),
Bianca Tavolari
(Mecila/ Cebrap/ Insper), Joaquim Toledo Jr. (Mecila)

Gabriel Brito, Bianca Tavolari, William Scheuerman and Joaquim Toledo Jr.
Image: Marina Slhessarenko

From August 3-10, Mecila hosted Professor William E. Scheuerman (James H. Rudy Professor, Political Science, Indiana University) for a Short-Term Research Visit, a new academic exchange modality inaugurated in 2022 as part of the Centre’s academic exchange program.

During his stay in Mecila’s São Paulo offices, Prof. Scheuerman attended workshops and meetings with researchers from Mecila and Cebrap’s Law and Democracy Nucleus (NDD), and delivered a Distinguished Lecture on “Politically Motivated Property Damage”.

In this interview, Prof. Scheuerman discusses his experience at Mecila and topics that are currently occupying his research interests, including the connection between civil disobedience and politically motivated property, the global crisis of democracy, and the emergence in the United States of a right-wing legal and political thought influenced by interwar conservative German intellectuals.

Scheuerman Convivial Forum 1

Joaquim Toledo Jr.: Can you tell us about the academic activities you’ve been involved in so far in Mecila and how the short-term visit has helped your research?

William Scheuerman: I’ve already been to Cebrap before, which is a famous institution. I’m familiar with many of the people who work here, and I’ve always learned a great deal from them. I think the research here is really important. This was the first time I encountered people from Mecila, and I had a very similar impression. I thought the group of fellows and PhD students are all doing exciting projects. During the second session, I was humbled because I realized how little I know about all the things they’re working on. The projects seem politically timely as well as scholarly significant. I’ve just been very impressed with everything I’ve seen.

Bianca Tavolari: You mentioned you had been to Cebrap before and that it seemed to have been a lifetime ago. What’s the difference between then and now? I’d like you to comment on those two moments.

WS: I was here almost five years ago. Trump had just been elected in the United States. As you know, we no longer have a President Trump, although he’s still active. Bolsonaro had not yet been elected; COVID hadn’t taken place. So yes, it seems like a very different world in some ways. Of course, those things were probably all in the making. But I don’t think you here in Brazil expected Bolsonaro to get elected at that point. And nobody expected COVID.

I’m really enjoying not just the formal discussions, presentations, questions, and so on, but also the chance to catch up with people and hear about their work. That’s at least how it works for me. During a conversation, something might just get dropped, I think about it, and it becomes something. And I think that’s something we did lose during COVID, and it’s just wonderful to have it back.

Gabriel Brito: You now have very practical worries about current social struggles and the state of democracy, especially in the work you presented during your stay. Could you comment briefly on how your work relates to the contemporary political climate?

WS: I like being here so much because I feel very much at home. The people here are also committed to serious scholarship but think that scholarship should matter in the real world. And that’s always been my view. Unfortunately, I don’t think that’s the view of everyone in the academy. Not because they’re bad people, it’s how the academy is structured. I don’t think it always encourages us to address timely political questions in a serious scholarly way.

I stumbled into the issue of civil disobedience. A colleague asked me in 2014 to do a presentation on Edward Snowden in our law school. I initially got interested in these debates about whistleblowing, and that brought me into a broader discussion about civil disobedience. I don’t want to claim to be prescient, but you could certainly see much more attention getting paid to these new protest movements, to these new forms of disobedience in the US and elsewhere.

And then, of course, Trump was elected. That was crucial. I received money to do a project in Germany, but when I got there, I decided to do something very different. I was fortunate that I was allowed to do that. I decided that working on civil disobedience was potentially very important, even if just in terms of sorting out the debate. I saw a lot of confusion there, and I thought it could be at least somehow useful for people worried about these authoritarian trends. There is a direct political link in this project.

Marina Slhessarenko: How do the debates on the crisis of democracy relate to your work on civil disobedience?

WS: There is a danger in speaking about crisis in an overly inflated way. It can also become a dangerous self-fulfilling prophecy. Trump likes to talk about crisis, which is his way of justifying executive rule. That question requires some serious scholarship and discussion. We can argue about how best to define a democratic crisis, but the evidence, it seems, is there. We have authoritarian political leaders. Political parties that previously were not authoritarian have become authoritarian.

The Republican party was the party of Lincoln and abolitionism. Then it took a conservative, yet not authoritarian, turn. But now, it has become a kind of authoritarian cult in some ways. If that is not a crisis, I don’t know what is.

At the same time, history doesn’t repeat itself. I don’t think we’re going to see some dramatic democratic collapse. We don’t see as many coups as we used to, which is a good thing, but we are seeing this democratic erosion or backsliding process, and at some point, that becomes a crisis.

There are many examples of a step backwards in terms of some model of democracy you might have. Hungary, Poland and Turkey still have elections, but they’ve been hollowed out. The press is not free for all kinds of reasons. It’s not an old-fashioned dictatorship; it’s somehow a new form of authoritarianism. So yes, I do think it makes sense to talk about crises. And I think we have to worry about that.

JT: The idea of a crisis of democracy can be like a Rorschach test: how it is seen says a lot about who is looking. You are currently writing on how far-right US think tanks are appropriating conservative views from interwar Germany to denounce the decay of the US republic. What is their version of the crisis of democracy?

WS: The hard right describes the United States as being in a specific kind of crisis. I was looking for academic literature on states of emergency, and the first thing that came up was State of Emergency (2006) by Patrick Buchanan. He is this extremely right-wing, xenophobic politician. It’s about how the United States faces an emergency and how immigration has destroyed the American identity.

You can see different versions of a manipulated type of crisis thinking. Trump talked about crises from his political perspective. The phenomena you’re referring to is very specific, and I was also surprised by it. I’m happy that few American academics and intellectuals were enthusiastic about Trump. That’s partly because the right-wing in the US has been bashing universities. That’s also become part of the political program, which is disturbing.

When I started teaching in the early 1990s, I had many conservative colleagues, often in the “hard sciences”. But that is decreasingly the case because Republicans have committed themselves to climate denialism, among other things. They’re beating up on science. Many of these people would not vote for a conservative today.

Not many people in Academia got on board with Trump, but there was a group of enthusiasts based at the Claremont Institute. It’s a long and complicated story, but in the United States, many people, particularly in political theory, were influenced by Leo Strauss, a pretty complicated thinker. Very conservative, but in an unusual way. His heroes were Plato and Aristotle. He’s not a free market conservative by any means. Maybe a cultural conservative in some sense of the term.

The Claremont Institute is a group of hard-right Straussians on the West Coast. They have been coming up with a romanticized defense of the American founding as having certain moments that connect the US republic to what they call classical natural law. They’ve decided that Trump can be the vehicle for the resurrection of that lost moment which has been under attack. Some of the documents you’ll find on official websites are taken directly from this institute.

They tell this story of the United States, where it has declined since the modern government was formed. They don’t want to roll back the last twenty or thirty years of reform; they want to roll back much more. That’s the group that gravitated towards Trump. Not surprisingly, since there weren’t too many academics he could call on, they ended up being very influential in his government and having a quite important role. The most infamous of all these figures is John Eastman. He was a lawyer who recommended to Trump that he overturn the 2020 election results.

What drove this is the idea that Trump could be the strongman who could save the virtuous core of the republic, and there are echoes of the Weimar Republic here. Conservative reactions to Weimar were about alleged moral degradation. And this is the American right’s story about the American Republic, and they’re looking for a savior. The good news is that there are also followers of Leo Strauss who push back against this.

BT: This interview takes place during an important week for Brazil’s presidential elections. Tomorrow, August 11, there will be a manifesto for democracy in front of the University of São Paulo law school. Meanwhile, some threats from the right here in Brazil have been influenced by the attack on the Capitol on January 6, 2021. How do you see the relationship between these threats to democracy, the rule of law, and renewed interest in the Weimar Republic?

WS: That’s a great question. I don’t have a good answer. I think the reason for the preoccupation with Weimar is because it culminates in National Socialism, which we universally believe was a total disaster. It was such a cataclysm that people had to come back to it.

There is a reason why in the US, and to the extent that American political science has been influential elsewhere, why Weimar is such a preoccupation for better and worse. I think there are some problems with that, which we’ll talk about later. We had so many refugees, and people also had lived through this traumatic experience, were involved in World War II, and were trying to make sense of what happened.

Regarding January 6, I find that interesting. Let’s hope anyone imitating it is as inept as Trump. He thought the Executive was his property, and the United States Attorney General was his personal lawyer. Trump didn’t get the distinction between office and person. This is another way in which he’s authoritarian. It’s almost pre-modern, before you have the modern state and we started distinguishing office from the person. Trump didn’t get the Constitution as a restraint on him.

The good news in the US was that these crucial elites in the military, in the Department of Justice, in the State Department and so on did not go along with this craziness. He had to rely on the kind of people I was talking about, who I hope will be viewed as ridiculous historical figures.

I’m hoping things look similar in Brazil and you have enough people in the military who recognize that a military dictatorship is not even a great thing for the military. They’re the ones who have to take responsibility. You may commit horrible crimes and, at some point, pay for them. I’m also hoping that the US government under President Biden plays a much more positive role than the US government in 1964 when it played a disastrous role, based on my understanding of what happened in this country.

Nobody should try to imitate it, but it could be an inspiration for people sitting in the Brazilian state to resist a president trying to overturn elections. If that’s an inspiration in some way, maybe something positive came out of that terrible day. I’m hoping something positive comes out of it.

MS: The judicial system has played a key role in the crises of democracies. It is expected to contain authoritarian advances, but also co-opting and packing courts with loyalists are two of the main authoritarian strategies. What role does the rule of law play in this crisis?

WS: I have an easy answer and then a hard answer. The easy answer is if anyone thought that the rule of law or constitutional government doesn’t matter, I don’t know where they’ve been the last couple of years. What we’ve been seeing is a frontal assault on the rule of law. Legal institutions and constitutional mechanisms are crudely instrumentalized to undermine the core of what they’re supposed to be about. That’s the ABC of the rule of law: nobody should be above the law. Trump and his followers still don’t understand that, which is terrifying.

Now the more complicated answer, and this speaks to this issue of these people who are advising Trump. One of the things I found fascinating in a kind of perverse way is that they rely on a reified notion of the US Constitution as a pristine document from the past that we shouldn’t touch. We call them originalists. They believe in an original meaning, which they somehow have access to. Constitutional originalism means there were these heroic semi-divine founders who read the classics, and God forbid we touch their masterpiece.

We must push back against these views of the rule of law and constitutional government. I would say that for Trump, the rule of law is what we would call authoritarian legalism, to the extent that you can use the law as an authoritarian mechanism to go after enemies. People in the United States think the rule of law is law and order, more police. One has to have a political battle about that and say, no, that’s not what it is.

We’re in trouble. That is just a reactionary agenda in the deepest sense of the term. We have a tradition of constitutional worship which is very problematic. On the one hand, it does lead people to respect the constitutional government. That’s a good thing, but it does lead or invite this reified understanding of the founders as these great men. That’s a profoundly anti-democratic notion of constitutional government.

Image: Crowd of Trump supporters marching on the US Capitol on 6 January 2021, ultimately leading the building being breached and several deaths by TapTheForwardAssist CC4.0

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Recent works by Prof. William E. Scheuerman:

Good-Bye to Non-Violence?” (2022), Political Research Quarterly (online first), 1-13.

Politically Motivated Property Damage” (2021), The Harvard Review of Philosophy, 28, 89-106.

Civil Disobedience (2018), Polity Press.

#19

"Cachorros mortos": Biopolitics of Human-Animal Conviviality

Global Convivial Forum 

Jörg Dünne (Humboldt Universität zu Berlin / Mecila Senior Fellow 2022)      

Brazilian artist Nuno Ramos’ work exemplifies how biopolitical exclusion enables interspecific conviviality and makes unseen aspects of urban life visible.

Both Eduardo Viveiros de Castro’s anthropological studies on Amerindian perspectivism and Philippe Descola’s Non-Western ontologies claim that the ways of associating human and non-human forms of existence in “animistic” collectives differ fundamentally from those in Western “naturalism”. But are such alternative forms of collectives equally relevant for contemporary urban (and rural) forms of interspecific coexistence? And how can different possibilities of constituting collectives between humans and animals be described, even under the conditions of naturalism and its consequences?

In contrast to animism, where the association of the human and the non-human takes place on the level of interiority, naturalism according to Philippe Descola attributes to humans and animals a common bodily substrate. This can also be described as zoé, in Giorgio Agamben’s terms. “Naked” biological life, according to Agamben, is split off from social life (bios) in the modern Western model of thinking human-animal relations. Around 1800 at the latest, but perhaps earlier, biological life becomes an object of political action. This is the beginning of what Michel Foucault calls “biopolitics”.

Biopolitics is also the starting point of Gabriel Giorgi’s reflections on alternative interspecific forms of coexistence under the conditions of biopolitical regimes. In Formas comunes: animalidad, cultura, biopolítica (2014), Giorgi assumes that such alternative forms of proximity between animals and humans, which are not limited to metaphorical relations of resemblance, are present to a great extent in contemporary art and literature in Latin America. According to Giorgi, however, biopolitical regimes, contrary to what one might expect, do not necessarily contribute to reinforcing the “naturalistic” animal/human distinction but rather draw boundaries that deconstruct the nature/culture distinction from within. Thus, even within the framework of what anthropologists like Descola would call the ontology of naturalism, new alliances of humans and animals can be conceived, which, with regard to the classification of animals, lie beyond the opposition of cultural “domestication” on the one hand and supposedly natural “wildness” on the other:

[L]a oposición ontológica entre humano y animal, que fue una matriz de muchos sueños civilizatorios del humanismo, es reemplazada por la distribución y el juego biopolítico, es decir arbitrario e inestable, entre persona y no-persona, entre vidas reconocibles y legibles socialmente, y vidas opacas al orden jurídico de la comunidad (p. 30).

With Roberto Esposito, Giorgi argues in this context for an “affirmative” understanding of biopolitics, “donde se imaginan y se piensan formas de vida que eludan la complicidad o la colaboración con los regímenes de violencia que dictan esas jerarquías al interior de lo viviente” (p. 27). The question is how such spaces for alternative forms of life can be described and what function art and literature have in this context.

A possible answer to this comes from Jens Andermann in his reflections on contemporary “bio-art” in Latin America. In order to take into account the permeability of the human/animal opposition and, at the same time, the nature/culture distinction, Andermann proposes the notion of the “unspecific” (lo inespecífico), which he understands in a double sense. Just as it makes no sense in the face of modern biopolitical regimes of the living to maintain fixed boundaries between different species and to insist on the demarcation of human life from other forms of the living, so too art must renounce its autonomous differentiation of specific genres or formats, and itself become “unspecific” in a way that combines, for example, bioscientific experimentation and artistic installation. Andermann gives an example of what such a conception of art can look like in the animal labyrinths of the Argentine artist Luis Fernando Benedit, who designed exhibitions in the late 1960s and early 1970s that resembled scientific experimental arrangements with living animals.

Following Andermann, one can describe a “vector de inespecificación” that serves to question existing collectives between human and non-human life forms. However, such an aesthetics of the “unspecific”, which is closely connected to basic ideas of New Materialism regarding the “activity” of matter, possibly gives away the chance to describe historically shaped constellations of certain interspecific relations, e.g. between dogs and humans, on the one hand, and on the other hand certain literary or artistic formats and genre traditions (such as the picaresque), in which this constellation is shaped into scenes of particular conciseness. Therefore, as an alternative to following Andermann into the aesthetics of the “unspecific”, it could be equally promising to deal with the interspecific aspect of human-animal relations and with some quite specific aesthetic and especially literary forms and formats that such relations can assume.

To remain for a moment with artistic explorations of the interspecific relations, I would like to return to a scene of the relationship between people and dogs, as examined in Gabriel Giorgi’s commentary on the work of a Brazilian contemporary artist, namely, Nuno Ramos’ Monólogo para um cachorro morto. This is a performance (and later also an installation artwork in the museum) in which the artist delivers a kind of funeral speech recorded on a tape for a dog that has been run over on a busy street in São Paulo. To play the recording, he goes (not without taking the risk of being run over himself) in situ, i.e. to the street itself, where the dog’s dead body is lying.

By not speaking directly to the dog, however, and instead letting a recorded voice speak to it, Ramos introduces an interruption of the “proximity communication” between two living beings communicating with each other. At the same time, this shift of communication to a repeatable form that can be shared with others (as seen in the exhibition of this performance in the museum installation) may also present animistic features through the invention of a ritual of mourning for a non-human companion.

According to Giorgi, this unusual way of mourning for a dog in Nuno Ramos’ Monólogo mostly makes the common biopolitical treatment of the relationship between life and death visible. Here, a corpse is mourned whose life is not usually deemed worthy of grief under the prevailing biopolitical regime because it is not considered part of a social bios. Another expression of the ungrievability of naked life, where the corpse of the street dog is paradigmatic, is that it is an animal without a name or other individualising features. Usually, such living beings do not leave the sphere of gender-neutrality designed in the English language by the pronoun “it” (instead of “he”/”she” for pet dogs or other domestic animals who have a name, an individual biography, and whose sex is known); neither do they usually have the right to a funeral which also presupposes a name that can be attached to a process of memory. Thus, Ramos’ mourning for a nameless street dog renders this cachorro not only a specified but a specific living being. Therefore, these are primal scenes of interspecific conviviality that, together with other scenes like sharing food, playing together, but also guarding etc., could be considered constitutive of a common history of humans and dogs as “companion species”, in Donna Haraway’s terminology.

As Giorgi’s analysis also points out, not only after its death, but already during its lifetime, the cachorro morto in Ramos’ performance/installation quite obviously lacks a place of its own in the city: “Desde el límite del animal, su presencia espectral y fuera de lugar, sin espacio propio, se ilumina la ciudad como dispositivo de gestión de movimientos, y por lo tanto de relaciones entre cuerpos y entre modos de relación” (p. 236).

Ramos’ Cachorro morto thus encourages us to perceive the ephemeral presence of a huge number of street dogs that inhabit urban space. From the perspective of an observer who has their own more or less fixed place in the city, such an ephemeral presence is expressed, for example, in the choice of a certain designation attributed to these dogs, namely the qualification as cão vadio (Portuguese) or perro vago (Spanish), i.e. as roaming dogs without a fixed place – or, alternatively, in such places for which the French language reserves the term terrain vague, that is, a terrain without a clear shape (from the Latin vagus) or that is empty, unoccupied (vacuus). The indeterminacy of such urban non-places where the cães vadios or perros vagos stay is constituted, as with humans, by the normative expectation of a fixed residence and an accompanying registration at a particular address or with a certain owner. Those who do not meet this expectation become, again, according to Giorgi, an opaque, indeterminate form of life in the biopolitically organised urban spaces – this is also a possible meaning of vagus.

Yet, in line with Giorgi’s thesis, it is precisely these urbanist-biopolitical processes of exclusion that can also potentially lead to new interspecific processes of association; and to the constitution of collectives that affect not only dogs but also people living on the “opaque” side of urban spatial orders. Thus, there seems to be a solidarity of the “placeless”, i.e., unhoused people who live with dogs on the street, sometimes developing such fixed forms of conviviality that often seem more important than being admitted to a homeless shelter, where dogs are not allowed.

Without describing this as a positive model for conviviality in a normative sense, this example shows how de facto biopolitical exclusion processes make interspecific practices of conviviality possible. They thus produce alternative – and quite specific – collectives between humans and dogs in contemporary biopolitical regimes, which create visibility for the forms of urban life that otherwise often remain opaque.

Cover image: Nuno Ramos, Monólogo para um cachorro morto, 2008, 2010.

Note: The following reflections are the slightly revised version of an entry in my research blog Quiltro Chronicles during my fellowship at Mecila in 2022 where I am working on a project on “Street Dogs and Interspecific Convivialities in Latin America”. I would like to thank Joaquim Toledo Jr. for encouraging me to publish it in the Mecila weblog and Puo-An Wu Fu for correcting the text.

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Giorgio Agamben (2003): The Open: Man and Animal, trans. Kevin Attell, Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Jens Andermann (2018): Tierras en trance: Arte y naturaleza después del paisaje, Santiago de Chile: Metales pesados.

Philippe Descola (2005): Par-delà nature et culture, Paris: Gallimard.

Gabriel Giorgi (2014): Formas comunes: animalidad, cultura, biopolítica, Buenos Aires: Eterna Cadencia.

Donna Haraway (2003): The Companion Species Manifesto: Dogs, People, and Significant Otherness, Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press.

Thiago Köche (2020): O afeto e a rua (documentary), Porto Alegre, 15’.

Nuno Ramos (2008/2010): Monologo para um cachorro morto

#20

Biblioteca Mecila-CLACSO: Explorando los nexos entre lo que nos une y lo que nos separa

Global Convivial Forum 

Antología inaugura la serie de publicaciones que consolida la cooperación entre Mecila y CLACSO y busca ofrecer al público hispanohablante una introducción cualificada a los estudios sobre convivialidad-desigualdad.

La vida en sociedad se basa, al menos aparentemente, sobre una contradicción. Nuestra supervivencia como sociedad y también como especie está estrechamente vinculada a la interdependencia tanto entre los seres humanos entre sí, como entre éstos y otros seres vivos como las plantas y los animales. Esta interdependencia, sin embargo, es negada por las formas de vida concretas de las sociedades contemporáneas, casi todas ellas estructuradas sobre profundas desigualdades sociales y en la ideología del excepcionalismo humano, es decir, la creencia de que el futuro de la humanidad independe de la supervivencia de los demás seres vivos.

Al dividir las distintas dimensiones de estas interdependencias en varios campos de debate, la literatura disponible sigue siendo insuficiente para estudiar en profundidad la aparente paradoja entre convivencia y desigualdad. Es decir, normalmente la bibliografía relevante está divida en campos que no se comunican de suerte que, por ejemplo, estudios culturales y teorías del reconocimiento investigan las diferencias humanas y sub-áreas de la sociología y de economía estudian las desigualdades sociales. La convivencia de humanos entre sí es más bien investigada en la antropología y los estudios sobre diversidad y interculturalidad, mientras las interacciones entre humanos y no humanos son objeto de los llamados estudios post-humanos o de áreas específicas como la ecología o sub-áreas de la geografía. Al fin, esta segmentación del conocimiento, en lugar de facilitar, impide investigar y aprender cómo se articulan las diferentes dimensiones de la vida social en sus entrelazamientos entre si y con las otras formas de vida sobre el planeta.

En vista a ello, el nuevo campo de estudios que definimos como convivialidad-desigualdad pretende llenar este vacío mediante la construcción de un marco teórico-analítico y del desarrollo de estudios empíricos correspondientes, en el que se puedan investigar en toda su extensión los nexos inseparables entre la diferencia, la desigualdad y la coexistencia entre los seres humanos entre sí, así como entre éstos y otros seres vivos.

El término convivialidad fue introducido en las ciencias humanas por el filósofo vienés Ivan Illich en su libro de 1973 Tools for Conviviality, publicado en español bajo el título La Convivencialidad, en 1978. En esa época, Illich dirigia el Centro Intercultural de Documentación (CIDOC) de Cuernavaca (México), un espacio ecuménico y plural en el que confluían los ideales de solidaridad global de la izquierda latinoamericana y los valores libertarios del pensamiento crítico europeo. El libro de Illich combina estas influencias transformando la convivialidad en un programa de investigación y acción para la construcción de sociedades más democráticas, igualitarias y habitables.

Desde entonces, y más claramente desde la década de 2000, los estudios sobre la convivialidad se han extendido a diversas disciplinas y campos temáticos, desde la antropología y la sociología hasta la geología y la informática, convirtiendo la convivialidad en un término polisémico y catalizador de reflexiones y estudios innovadores.

La desigualdad es también una noción relacional y multidimensional. Las desigualdades pueden ser materiales, pero también de poder, de acceso a los recursos naturales y la protección contra los riesgos derivados de la acción humana, de derechos, de posibilidades epistémicas y de posiciones y condiciones sociales. La desigualdad, como una marca omnipresente de la vida social, es un punto inevitable de partida para entender cualquier contexto social y las interacciones que ahí tienen lugar. Así pues las desigualdades son tanto estructurales como (re)producidas en las interacciones cotidianas. Entender la vida social en sus múltiples aspectos y formas requiere, por lo tanto, comprender cómo esta está constituida por la desigualdad. Entender las desigualdades, a su vez, es comprender como esas se constituen y adquieren significado en las relaciones sociales.

En el programa de investigación de Mecila, el rasgo polisémico del término convivialidad se entiende siempre en asociación con los elementos multidimensionales de la desigualdad, potenciando sus posibilidades analíticas y su fuerza explicativa. El guion en el nombre del Centro (“Convivialidad-desigualdad”) subraya el íntimo nexo entre desigualdad y convivialidad y el hecho de que se constituyen recíprocamente. Investigar la desigualdad es investigar la convivialidad, y viceversa. En español, para no complicar desnecesariamente el uso del término, optamos por traducir la palabra conviviality por convivialidad y no convivencialidad como hizo originalmente Ivan Illich.  

 

La articulación de estas dos nociones, desigualdad y convivialidad, constituye la base de la colaboración interdisciplinaria que se lleva a cabo en Mecila. Desarrollados en varios campos temáticos, los estudios sobre convivialidad-desigualdad en el Centro ofrecen una plataforma abierta para la innovación en la cooperación interdisciplinar en el amplio campo de las humanidades, las ciencias sociales y en diálogo con las ciencias naturales. Buscamos proporcionar un entorno intelectual y académico en el que las diferentes disciplinas puedan desarrollar sus investigaciones en colaboración con el trabajo empírico, la síntesis teórica y métodos que van más allá de los límites disciplinarios habituales. En consecuencia, Mecila es un espacio abierto a la experimentación académica que desafía el nacionalismo metodológico, el antropocentrismo y el eurocentrismo que están profundamente arraigados en nuestras disciplinas.

Para los propósitos institucionales muy abiertos de Mecila, convivialidad-desigualdad se refiere a las constelaciones constituidas por lazos de solidaridad y cooperación, pero también por las diferencias, el conflicto, la violencia y la dominación. En este sentido, el compuesto convivencia-desigualdad nombra menos el punto de partida que los hallazgos (posibles, esperados, potenciales) de la investigación que pueden surgir al mirar la realidad desde las perspectivas desarrolladas en nuestro Centro. Así, convivialidad-desigualdad corresponde a una perspectiva, una mirada dirigida tanto a las interacciones cuanto a los elementos estructurales de los patrones de convivencia existentes.

Hoy en día, dado el actual contexto de vigencia del pluralismo teórico e institucional, es más probable que esfuerzos similares solo logren éxito cuando se emprendan no por una sola institución sino dentro de una red internacional de investigadores e institutos, de la cual CLACSO es un ejemplo muy exitoso. Asimismo, es relevante contemplar nuevas formas de cooperación capaces de superar o al menos mitigar las jerarquías regionales, generacionales, étnicas, de clase y de género que marcan tan profundamente los circuitos convencionales de producción y circulación del conocimiento. El desarrollo de nuevos formatos de colaboración no solo interdisciplinar, pero también transdisciplinar, incluyendo por lo tanto la cooperación entre expertas y expertos académicos y no académicos (chamanes, activistas, artistas, líderes de comunidades, etc.), es también crucial cuando se trata de producir conocimientos sofisticados y socialmente relevantes.

En Mecila creemos que podemos ofrecer una contribución única, aunque sea modesta, al tan necesario proceso de construcción institucional de una amplia reflexión sobre América Latina desde una perspectiva transdisciplinar y transregional. Para lograr nuestros objetivos académicos e institucionales, es esencial la estrecha cooperación con instituciones internacionales con sede en América Latina, como el Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) y la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO), entre otras. También la cooperación con los otros cuatro Centros Merian (en Nueva Delhi, Guadalajara, Accra y Túnez) es indispensable para dar forma a nuestra perspectiva transregional.

El libro está estructurado en cuatro secciones para que las lectoras y los lectores con diferentes formaciones y distintos intereses por el tema puedan profundizar su reflexión en las diversas dimensiones abarcadas por el tema general convivialidad-desigualdad. La primera sección está dedicada a las definiciones conceptuales: ¿Qué es la convivialidad y cómo ella se articula con los debates sobre la desigualdad y la diferencia? ¿Cómo se incluyen los debates en campos afines, como la interculturalidad, la decolonialidad, el cosmopolitismo, en las discusiones sobre convivialidad y desigualdad? La segunda parte está dedicada a los debates epistemológicos, es decir, a las discusiones sobre las diferentes políticas del conocimiento y sus relaciones con la díada convivialidad-desigualdad, pensada no solamente a partir de las relaciones humanas sino también a través de las relaciones entre humanos y no humanos. La tercera parte estudia itinerarios de la convivialidad-desigualdad en América Latina, es decir, como se estructuran, en distintos niveles (de la nación hasta las ciudades), el lidiar con diferencias y desigualdades en la región. Por fin, la cuarta y ultima parte del libro busca aplicar el marco analítico convivialidad-desigualdad a casos limítrofes de coexistencia, como espacios de trabajo profundamente asimétricos y organizaciones criminales.

La expectativa del consejo directivo de Mecila es que este libro tenga una amplia difusión y discusión de suerte a promover un diálogo rico y fructífero entre investigaciones de punta en el plan internacional y las recientes investigaciones de excelente calidad desarrolladas en América Latina y aún poco conocidas y reconocidas internacionalmente.

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Feria del Libro de Ciencias Sociales Latinoamericana y Caribeña, de la 9ª Conferencia Latinoamericana y Caribeña de Ciencias Sociales.

Image Credit: Joaquim Toledo

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Mecila estuvo presente en la feria con su primer publicación de la serie de libros Mecila-CLACSO: “Convivivialidad y desigualdad explorando los nexos entre lo que nos une y lo que nos separa”.
Image Credit: Joaquim Toledo

Mecila (ed.) (2022): Convivialidad-Desigualdad. Explorando los nexos entre lo que nos une y lo que nos separa, Biblioteca Mecila-CLACSO, vol. 1, Buenos Aires; São Paulo: CLACSO; Mecila.

Autores: Arjun Appadurai (New York University), Sérgio Costa (FU-Berlin / Mecila), Tilmann Heil (UzK / Mecila), Fernando Baldraia (Mecila), Nilma L. Gomes (Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais), Encarnación Gutiérrez Rodríguez (Goethe-Universität Frankfurt / Mecila), Maya Manzi (Universidade Católica de Salvador / Mecila), Peter Wade (Manchester University / Mecila), Claudia Briones Universidad nacional de Ró Negro), Ramiro Segura (UNLP / Mecila), João José Reis (Universidade Federal da Bahia / Mecila), Raquel Rojas Scheffer (FU Berlin / Mecila), Gabriel Feltran (Universidade Federal de São Carlos).

Acesso abierto.

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#18

Postmemory: The Holocaust and its Effects on the Lives of Brazilian Jewry

Global Convivial Forum 

Joanna M.  Moszczynska (University of Regensburg / Mecila Junior Fellow 2022)

Jewish-Brazilian post-Holocaust literature is a legitimate and integrated part of the global and transcultural efforts to work through the Holocaust.

Following the end of twenty years of military dictatorship in Brazil in 1985, a new literary phenomenon emerged, one that can be termed post-Holocaust literature. This literature consists mainly of short stories and novels by Jewish-Brazilian authors who, using a particular aesthetic involving so-called postmemory, traumatic realism, and blurred genres, work through Holocaust memory and its effects on the lives of Brazilian Jews.

My book A memória da Destruição na escrita judaico-brasileira depois de 1985: Por uma literatura pós-Holocausto emergente no Brasil (Peter Lang, 2022) provides a re-reading of texts published between 1986 and 2016, which have so far been discussed primarily as marginal and dispersed expressions of local Jewish ethnic literature. Instead, what I propose in my study can be understood as an act of theoretical-interpretive revival, reinterpreting the results of previous studies while aiming at a new systematic critical conceptualization that enables the identification of a literary corpus with common and distinguishable characteristics.

This aim is rooted in the perception of Jewish-Brazilian post-Holocaust literature as a legitimate and integrated part of the global and transcultural efforts to work through the Holocaust. Based on this, three hypotheses guide the definition, description, location, and contextualization of the subject of this study, which, after all, did not emerge in a vacuum but has a traceable historical genesis.

Based on this, I propose a second hypothesis concerning the emergent dimension of this literature. Emergence within a literary field, analogous to the cultural emergence defined by Raymond Williams refers to “new” meanings, values, practices, and relationships continuously created and received about what is dominant and generally established. Apart from being subject to the objective power relations within the literary field, emergence is viewed here as a characterization of a literary ensemble of particular substance and recognizable features.

Such a literary ensemble is defined as emergent when it irrevocably shares the conditions of the other ensembles that had emerged previously, even if it approaches them in a different way or, rather, approaches them through processes of selection and reorganization that favour change or rupture. In my book, I argue that emergent literature cannot be readily comprehended within the hegemonic view of literature or within the methodological and theoretical guidelines by which canons and national literatures are established. Finally, then, this literature has the potential to determine itself in relation to the cultural memory and historiography of the national, ethnic, regional, and global frameworks of the subject matter while forming its own cultural memory in Brazil.

While the subject of the Holocaust can be found in Brazilian literature as early as 1946, the year 1986 marks a turning point and the beginning of a new chapter of its existence. It is evident that an authorized post-Holocaust literature started to emerge at this point in Brazil, and it now extends beyond the boundaries of Jewish communal memory as it strives to participate in the transcultural and transnational memory of the Jewish extermination, the contemporary post-traumatic culture included. Authorization, or authorized memory practice, is understood here, following David Roskies and Noemi Diamant, in the context of the diversity of styles and genres, reception, as well as the degree of (un)reliability of narrative instances. It is further reflected in the shift from the languages in which the Holocaust was lived to those in which it can be relived and mourned, as well as have its discourses deconstructed and re-examined. Emergence further refers to the public memory in Brazil that both shapes and is shaped by this literature.

The third hypothesis arises in response to the primary importance of testimony in the first theories of Holocaust literature in Brazil. The term “witness through the imagination,” introduced by Norma Rosen in her 1974 essay “The Holocaust and the American Jewish Novelist”, through which the emphasis is placed on aspects of transmission and distance, has been well received by some scholars of Brazilian literature due to the reception of witness theory in Brazilian research. Witness theory has been advocated particularly by Márcio Seligmann-Silva, who applied it not only to the Holocaust but also to the experience of Latin American dictatorships.

Nevertheless, using this term could lead to the loss of the specificity of testimony and the witness figure and eventually drift into a metaphor for fictional writing. Moreover, it could suggest a tension or even mutual exclusion between witness memory and imagination, which ultimately creates analytical problems and is counterproductive in the context of the witness theory. Therefore, I propose using the term “postmemory”, which is already well-established in the study of trauma literature. The term refers here to the aesthetics and the socio-cultural context of the authors who can be said to constitute a Jewish-Brazilian generation of postmemory.

This last hypothesis further states that this literature offers a response to the demands of representation and a reading of the collectively traumatic past. Those responses are given through aesthetics that can be identified in post-Holocaust literature produced in the West, producing acts of individualized memory inscribed in cultural and transcultural Holocaust memory discourses, and reporting on contemporary post-traumatic culture. Postmodernism, Robert Eaglestone argues, should be understood as the time when people began to think about the Holocaust. Put another way, postmodern thought is the response given to the Holocaust using what Geoffrey Hartman has called the “instruments born of trauma”.

Given the evolution of the Brazilian literary field in the last thirty years, the urgency to update and advance the state of knowledge is recognized here. The cultural studies-based literary analysis is carried out within the frameworks of filiations and affiliations of texts. The reading method employed is close reading, including intertextual reading, which is maintained in contrast to the idea of the full autonomy of the text.

This approach favours tracing the text’s inscription in other discourses, resulting in a multiple cultural and sociohistorical contextualization on which the meaning of the text and its “worldliness”, to quote Edward Said, are built. Here, Michael Rothberg’s concept of multidirectional memory resonates and is applied in the analyses as a method to capture the processes of negotiation, borrowing and cross-referencing between different collective memories whose actors create a dialogue between the manifold traumatic past and the immanent aftermath of World War II. It should be emphasized that the emergence of Holocaust memory itself has been inflected by histories of slavery, colonialism, and decolonization and has even entered into a multilayered dialogue with military dictatorships, as exemplified by the case of Brazil, whose post-Holocaust literature provides a space for polymorphous working-through of the legacy of structural violence.

Jewish-Brazilian post-Holocaust literature is a literary ensemble that offers new insights into local memory practices as they are in the process of relating to its own cultural memory and creating the memory of the Holocaust in Brazil. Thus, the texts by authors: Cíntia Moscovich, Roney Cytrynowicz, Samuel Reibscheid, Giselda Leirner, Halina Grynberg, Luis S. Krausz, Michel Laub, Jacques Fux, Paulo Blank, and Rafael Cardoso, contribute to and are influenced by the development of a new public memory space in Brazil.

Cover image by brewbooks, CC licence.

A memória da Destruição na escrita judaico-brasileira depois de 1985: Por uma literatura pós-Holocausto emergente no Brasil (Peter Lang, 2022)

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Moszczynska, Joanna  M.  (2022): A memória da Destruição na escrita judaico-brasileira depois de 1985. Por uma literatura pós-Holocausto emergente no Brasil (Luso-Brazilian Studies: Culture, Literature and Audiovisual Media), Berlin: Peter Lang Verlag.

David Roskies and Naomi Diamant (2012): Holocaust Literature: A History and Guide, Waltham: Brandeis University Press.

Michael Rothberg (2000): Traumatic Realism: The Demands of Holocaust Representation, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press.

Regina Igel (1997): Imigrantes judeus, escritores brasileiros: o componente judaico na literatura brasileira, São Paulo: Perspectiva.

Berta Waldman (2003): Entre passos e rastros: presença judaica na literatura brasileira contemporânea, São Paulo: Perspectiva.

Márcio Seligmann-Silva (2005): “Escrituras da Shoá no Brasil.” in: Noah/ Noaj, 16-17, 137- 156.

#17

Postcolonial Resistance and Ecofeminism in the Latin American Jungle Novel

Madalina Stefan (Junior Fellow 2021-22)

Global Convivial Forum 

The narratives of the ‘novela de la selva deconstruct and subvert the colonial discourse by portraying nature as a moment of postcolonial resistance that opposes the white male master model

Colonial processes have usually been intrinsically linked to the exploitation of natural resources. and terms such as Decolonization and the Anthropocene have become keywords in the context of late postmodernity, foregrounding that ways of narrating nature are gaining increasing importance as nowadays threatening scenarios of natural disaster and social injustice overshadow our completely medialized realties.

Against this backdrop, it seems worthwhile  to reach out and see look at how nature narratives have been used in a productive manner, this is to say, as an empowering moment of postcolonial resistance that denounces the exploitation of nature and indigenous people.

In this sense the research project aims to focus on an particularly fit literary moment that is famous for its entanglement of postcoloniality and nature writing, namely the Spanish American jungle novel (novela de la selva), which turned to the rainforest and the indigenous communities and emerged between 1924 and 1953.

It is crucial to understand that since the discovery of America, the representation of the New World’s nature has played an important role in the process of colonization. and that nature discourses are at the heart of the debate on Latin American identity: from Colombus’ diaries to Humboldt’s romanticizing views, the European imaginaries of the New World were linked to nature and the exotic.

Nevertheless, with Latin American literary modernity, a change in the representation of American nature takes place. Characterized by the search for an American identity of its own, the Latin American literature of the first half of the 20th century marks a significant turning point, and, indeed, unlike colonial utopian narratives that mask the exploitation of nature and colonial violence by idealizing pristine landscapes of a lost terrestrial paradise that are in need of European male management, the narratives of the novela de la selva deconstruct and subvert the colonial discourse by portraying nature as a moment of postcolonial resistance that opposes the white male master model. Thus, these narratives present their own perspective, denounce the inequality of colonial conviviality and describe the jungle as a space of power struggle and exploitation of nature, indigenous peoples, and women.

In this sense, it has to be pointed out that besides focusing on human and non-human nature, the project aims to cover an often-overlooked perspective. Thus it is outstanding that the conviviality between colonizers, indigenous people, rubber workers, farmers, slaves, traders and explorers, on the one hand, side and flowers, trees, bushes, omnivorous ants, leeches, hippopotami etc., on the other, is not only depicted as marked by unequal power relations and colonial hierarchies but foremost as traversed by gender issues.

Given the striking female characters and the gendered representation of the rainforest, the research project proposes an ecofeminist reading that highlights how the hyper-separation between culture and nature is accompanied by the separation between male and female and how the exploitation and oppression of nature go hand in hand with the oppression of women. Since gender plays a crucial role in the novels but has not been studied in relation to colonial nature discourse so far, this approach promises new insights and perspectives in the context of Latin American Ecocriticism.

 

#16

My Research Experience with Mecila

Global Convivial Forum 

Léa Tosold (SCRIPTS FU-Berlin / Former Mecila Junior Fellow, 2020-2021)

Mecila Annual Meeting (Cologne, November 2021).

The partnerships I have established at Mecila will certainly outlive the duration of the scholarship; some may even last forever. I have learned a lot both in terms of content and in terms of the practice of working collaboratively.

I am an interdisciplinary researcher and activist. My academic work is on feminist and anti-racist epistemologies, from which I aim at rethinking collective forms of existence as resistance in contexts where violence is naturalised and ongoing. In my Ph. D., I engaged in a theoretical-political discussion of the politics of difference based on the Munduruku people and the riverside populations struggle to defend their territories against the construction of mega dams in the Middle Tapajós river region in the Amazonian rainforest. As a Mecila Junior Fellow in 2020-2021, I had the opportunity to work on memory politics and its global-local connections relying on Beatriz Nascimento’s notion of quilombo.

I was part of the first cohort of fellows since the Covid-19 health crisis. Even though we had to work online and the scholarship was cut down to seven months, I found Mecila to be a vibrant, respectful, and very stimulating space for the flourishing of my research. In addition to the colloquia, I participated in the activities of the three Research Areas (RA). The meetings were enjoyable and soon became a highlight of the week, different from the usual constraints of online work we have faced throughout the pandemic.

It was the first time I had worked with a group of researchers who were at the same time genuinely interdisciplinary and highly qualified, all of whom were involved in topics related to conviviality-inequality. It provided valuable insights for my research and dealt with specific theoretical issues that are common to all of us, conferring clarity for the onto-epistemological challenges we collectively face in our academic work.

This applies not only to the general colloquia but also to the meetings and activities of the different RAs. For example, in the RA (Hi)Stories of Conviviality, we had the opportunity to discuss the underlying notions of temporality in our work and its broader theoretical implications. The RA Medialities of Conviviality, among other topics, provided the chance to discuss the relationship between form and content in academic work. We discussed in the RA Politics of Conviviality how to deal analytically with collective resistance processes while simultaneously considering the (re)production of violence and testing the application of our knowledge regarding current pressing issues such as the pandemics.

I also appreciated the collaborative process with Senior Fellow Encarnación Gutiérrez Rodríguez and Junior Fellow Juliana Streva to organise a podcast based on the common strands of our work — which is something I had only done before as an activist. Our podcast, inspired by the notion of quilombo by Beatriz Nascimento, dealt with different forms of producing knowledge. We had wonderful and inspiring support from the incredible Mecila team. I am sure we are all are very proud of the outcome!

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It was the first time I worked with a group of scholars managing three languages simultaneously: English, Portuguese, and Spanish. The ability to switch and deal with different languages, in my opinion, also contributed to the creation of a welcoming atmosphere of working together that enabled us — including myself — to find other ways of mobilising and expressing in the group our best individual contributions.

The partnerships I have established during my time at Mecila will certainly outlive the duration of the scholarship; some may even last forever. I have learned a lot both in terms of content and in terms of the practice of working collaboratively.

#15

Transformação urbana em disputa: o Plano Diretor Estratégico do Município de São Paulo

Global Convivial Forum 

Nesta conversa com a professora e pesquisadora Bianca Tavolari (Mecila/ Cebrap/ Insper) discutimos o que é o plano diretor, quais as disputas em torno de sua revisão e como o instrumento ajuda a desenhar os rumos da cidade.

Qual o papel do plano diretor?

O plano diretor é uma espécie de Constituição da cidade. Ele não só propõe como a cidade deve se organizar, mas também uma imagem de seu desenvolvimento futuro.

O plano define como a cidade vai crescer, o tamanho das edificações, como pensar os espaços públicos e seus usos, a rede de transporte público, onde estimular moradia.

Também regulamenta usos específicos. Onde teremos usos comerciais ou residenciais do espaço urbano; quais áreas específicas dentro da cidade merecem proteção ambiental e onde não é permitido construir, ou apenas construir pouco; como integrar a malha de transporte a oportunidades de emprego; onde estarão os equipamentos culturais.

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Como esse instrumento pode intervir nas desigualdades urbanas?

Um dos elementos do Plano Diretor Estratégico [PDE] de São Paulo de 2014 aborda justamente isso. Uma das propostas aprovadas é a ideia de eixos de estruturação urbana. Tomam-se todos os elementos consolidados e planejados de transporte público – as linhas de ônibus, de trem, de metrô, as estações – e desenham-se áreas em torno dessa estrutura.

O objetivo é adensar essas áreas, colocar o máximo possível de pessoas para morar perto dessa estrutura de transporte público. Assim aproximamos a moradia ao transporte, e consequentemente ao emprego. É uma maneira de enfrentar um dos principais problemas de cidades como São Paulo: o movimento pendular de pessoas que moram em bairros periféricos e vão trabalhar em zonas centrais, passando longo períodos no transporte público, perdendo momentos de vida. É uma forma de enfrentar uma desigualdade territorial que se expressa também em tempo de vida, na diferença entre ficar ou não três horas no trânsito para chegar ao trabalho.

Mas não é qualquer moradia que o plano prevê nessas áreas. Se construímos apartamentos de 120 metros quadrados com três vagas de garagem, não atraímos a pessoa que mora na periferia. Ela não vai poder comprar esse imóvel. Então o plano também propõe uma série de elementos construtivos para que se garanta uma mistura de unidades habitacionais nos eixos.

O contrário também é verdade, se pensarmos nos polos de criação de empregos nas periferias. Em vez de só trazer pessoas para perto do transporte público consolidado, é igualmente importante induzir, por meio de incentivos urbanísticos, a oferta de emprego em regiões residenciais já estabelecidas. Assim também evitamos deslocamentos longos e aproximamos as pessoas de oportunidades. Essa é uma ideia que também está no Plano Diretor de 2014.

A revisão do Plano Diretor envolve muitas disputas. Você pode contextualizá-las?

Costumo dizer que a política urbana é treta. É briga o tempo inteiro em torno do plano diretor e especialmente do zoneamento, que define os usos do espaço urbano em cada lugar. São instrumentos de disputa intensa que envolvem atores repetidos, pessoas que interagem também em outros contextos. São atores muito qualificados lutando por essas regras há tempos, e as disputas se expressam abertamente nesse campo de batalha.

Só em 2014 foram mais de cem audiências públicas temáticas regionais com devolutivas. O processo incluiu não apenas ouvir as pessoas, mas também contar o que foi incorporado ou não ao planejamento. E, mesmo assim, o plano daquele ano só foi aprovado depois que os movimentos de moradia organizados acamparam em frente à Câmara Municipal para garantir que ele fosse votado sem a inclusão de nenhum “submarino”, que são as emendas que emergem de última hora e mudam acordos já previstos no Plano.

Do ponto de vista da sociedade civil, tivemos no último Plano Diretor de São Paulo uma discussão muito intensa sobre mobilidade, com a participação de movimentos organizados de ciclistas, que reivindicavam a expansão das ciclofaixas. Há os movimentos de moradia, que são muito organizados e têm um conhecimento técnico preciso e rico sobre essas questões. Vários movimentos de cultura, pensando cinemas de rua, usos de espaços públicos. Há os movimentos e associações de bairro, como os que estão presentes em Zonas Exclusivamente Residenciais (ZER) e que não querem mudar as regras do entorno para incluir outros usos. Há o mercado imobiliário também, muito atuante. Mas muito depende de como é o desenho das audiências. É importante que todas as pessoas sejam ouvidas, inclusive aquelas não organizadas em movimentos.

Além disso, é difícil participar de um processo de revisão de plano diretor. É uma discussão muito técnica. Uma das propostas dos atores da sociedade civil é que a gestão democrática das cidades envolva não só o direito à participação e à palavra, mas também a tradução desses estudos técnicos, de responsabilidade do poder público. São decisões que impactam a vida de todo mundo e não podem ser blindadas por uma linguagem técnica excludente. Esta não é apenas uma demanda da sociedade civil, mas também dos órgãos do sistema de justiça, como o Ministério Público e a Defensoria Pública, que recomendam e exigem condições de participação com acesso pleno à informação.

A prefeitura de São Paulo propôs a prorrogação da revisão do Plano Diretor de São Paulo para 2022, após pressão de atores do sistema de justiça e da sociedade civil. Quais os principais conflitos à vista?

A revisão estava prevista. Isso é muito comum em planos diretores. Como é uma política que projeta para o futuro, ela tem que ser recalibrada em função de como a cidade se transformou no meio tempo. Mas agora tem o agravante de que é uma revisão proposta ainda em meio à pandemia. E a sociedade civil organizada tem trazido duas questões muito importantes.

A primeira questão é a impossibilidade de participação em uma política tão importante quanto essa se tudo ocorrer online. Há entraves à participação de pessoas menos organizadas, que não têm bom acesso à internet. Imagina uma audiência enorme com um monte de gente com as mais diferentes conexões, ou mesmo sem acesso à internet.

A segunda questão é que não é possível estimar com precisão alguns dos efeitos da pandemia na cidade. Vou dar um exemplo. A gente viu que parte dos serviços conseguiram funcionar em home-office, que foi adotado por boa parte das empresas que podem se valer do trabalho remoto. Isso impacta diretamente lugares com muitos prédios de escritório, como, por exemplo, as regiões das avenidas Faria Lima, Berrini e Paulista.

Será que essa tendência vai se confirmar, ainda que seja para uma camada muito privilegiada? Se as empresas decidem não mais ter escritórios grandes e optam por um regime híbrido de trabalho, porque entendem que funciona bem e custa menos, ficamos com um problema enorme de espaço construído. O que fazer com todo esse espaço? Precisamos pensar uma mudança de uso. Seria possível adequá-los para moradia? Isso envolve planejamento.

Ou seja, não faz sentido revisar um plano diretor pensando o futuro sem saber o impacto desse tipo de transformação. E não é por falta de dados ou habilidade, mas porque não temos como saber se essa tendência vai se confirmar ou não.

Eu escrevi um texto tratando de ilegalidades no processo de revisão do Plano Diretor, uma das quais está diretamente relacionada à sub-representação da sociedade civil no Conselho Municipal de Política Urbana (CMPU).

Então tem conflito em todos os lugares. Do ponto de vista do conselho que vai ser ouvido para falar de política urbana; do processo de aprovação; de incluir e ouvir mais pessoas; e do ponto de vista do conteúdo material dessa revisão.

Recentemente, a prefeitura propôs o adiamento após defender expressamente que o plano deveria ser revisto ainda este ano. Foi um recuo evidente. Ele pode ser explicado principalmente em razão de uma decisão judicial, em uma ação popular ajuizada por Guilherme Boulos, a Bancada Feminista do PSOL e os movimentos de moradia que questionou a contratação de uma fundação que faria estudos para a revisão, pelo valor de R$3,5 milhões, sem licitação. Este recuo gerou um xadrez importante entre sociedade civil, sistema de justiça, prefeitura e Câmara municipal. É neste impasse que estamos agora.

Além dos problemas novos trazidos pela pandemia, há também disputas antigas sobre a cidade que retornam à arena. Quais você destacaria?

Há uma disputa clássica que envolve setores empresariais, mercado imobiliário e suas associações em relação à chamada outorga onerosa do direito de construir. Parece complicado, mas a outorga é uma concessão, uma autorização. Onerosa porque ela não é gratuita, você paga.

O que isso quer dizer? Quando compramos um terreno, não podemos fazer com ele o que bem quisermos. É contraintuitivo, mas você não pode construir do jeito que quiser. Aqui em São Paulo foi estabelecido um coeficiente de aproveitamento, o chamado CA 1, segundo o qual você pode construir até uma vez o tamanho do terreno. Se o seu terreno é de mil metros quadrados, então você pode construir uma edificação de mil metros quadrados. Se você quer construir mais, você não está proibido, mas precisa pagar. Esse custo é a outorga onerosa do direito de construir.

Por que isso existe? Porque esse potencial construtivo é público, ele não vem com a sua propriedade. Imagina se todo mundo pudesse construir da maneira que quisesse, como planejaríamos a cidade? Além disso, esse espaço de construção, ainda que seja muito grande, é finito. Por isso faz sentido que o poder público precifique isso como um bem comum. E a um preço razoavelmente alto.

Esse dinheiro, que o construtor ou proprietário paga, vai para o Fundo de Desenvolvimento Urbano (FUNDURB), e com ele custeamos uma série de políticas específicas para mobilidade, habitação de interesse social etc. Ele está separado do caixa da prefeitura e tem algumas rubricas carimbadas. É um mecanismo de financiamento de políticas urbanas importantes para a cidade de São Paulo.

Uma das disputas antigas é sobre o preço da outorga. O mercado imobiliário vai dizer que tem que ser mais barato, porque o valor alto desestimula o adensamento. “Você quer que eu adense nos eixos? Eu quero construir, mas se você me cobra muito caro, eu não vou fazer”, raciocinam.

Outra coisa é como gastar os recursos que vêm do FUNDURB. O Plano Diretor de 2014 estabelecia uma cota de 30 porcento para transporte público e mobilidade ativa. Ciclovias, calçadas. Andar a pé, aliás, é o principal meio de locomoção de São Paulo. Mas uma lei em 2019 alterou esse critério, incluindo também obras de infraestrutura viária. Aí está a disputa: reforçar um modelo que sempre privilegiou os carros, ou colocar o transporte público no modelo e investir o recurso nisso?

Uma outra discussão é sobre miolos de bairro. Existe a ideia de que o adensamento e o crescimento são maiores quanto mais próximo das ruas, das grandes avenidas. Com isso, o miolo do bairro fica mais baixinho. Essa é outra demanda histórica do setor imobiliário, crescer em miolos de bairros.

Há ainda a discussão sobre as Zonas Especiais de Interesse Social (ZEIS), aquelas que devem ser destinadas para habitação de interesse social. Parte do mercado imobiliário quer tirar as ZEIS de onde elas estão, porque algumas são muito bem localizadas e impedem a expansão ou a construção de empreendimentos específicos.

O debate sobre o Plano Diretor parece uma oportunidade concreta de participação dos cidadãos no planejamento da cidade. Mas talvez muitas pessoas desconheçam o dispositivo.

A gente está muito capturado pela discussão federal. Com muitas boas razões, porque estamos diante de uma crise sem precedentes da nossa democracia, com um presidente que afronta a Constituição, todo dia um novo escândalo, um novo absurdo. Mas esquecemos a discussão municipal.

Vale a pena prestar atenção especialmente nas cidades que estão revisando os seus planos diretores, porque isso impacta concretamente o dia a dia.

As desigualdades territoriais passam pela formulação dessas legislações. Então, se queremos enfrentar essas questões e mudar a forma como as nossas cidades estão sendo pensadas, precisamos nos inteirar sobre esses processos.

Uma coisa que vemos nas audiências, seja do Plano Diretor ou de zoneamento, é que as pessoas querem falar sobre o seu bairro, a coleta do lixo, a iluminação. Às vezes essas demandas nem vão ser tratadas no plano diretor especificamente, mas você vê que é o lugar onde as pessoas vocalizam isso, pois não conseguem encontrar outros espaços. Então o plano diretor é também um espaço onde as pessoas podem ser ouvidas.

Fonte das imagens: gestaourbana.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/

Leia e ouça mais sobre convivialidade e desigualdade em cidades latino-americanas:

Mecila Working Paper Series No. 11: Ramiro Segura, “Convivialidad en ciudades latinoamericanas”.

Diálogos Mecila, ep. 10: “Cidades desiguais: modos de ver”.

#13

Horizontality in the 2010s

Global Convivial Forum 

Horizontality is establishing itself in countless activities that have often prospered silently over the last fifty years in many domains where the participants are unburdened with submitting to hierarchies, vertical chains of command, or with taking on positions of authority.

Yves Cohen (EHESS/ Mecila Senior Fellow 2020-21)

A large and sustained wave of movements without leaders arose in the 2010s. Tunisia inaugurated the wave, followed closely by Egypt. These two countries started the “Arab Spring” whose blossoming would be aggressively suppressed. And yet the wave would continue in Turkey, Spain, Ukraine, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso: a raggedy incomplete list where the old democracies are conspicuously absent – until the Yellow Vests. This French social movement appeared in 2018 and would be followed by a series of leaderless movements in 2019 in Algeria, Ecuador, Bolivia, Lebanon, Iraq, Chile, Egypt, and Haiti. Not all the mass movements of the decade openly declare themselves leaderless such as those in Hong Kong and Sudan. But even though this dimension has hardly been studied by social scientists, this desire to move ahead with no boss should be taken seriously. This is an important part of the renewal of protest movements compared to the previous century, and of contemporary social sciences. It has a major impact on the central theme of the social bond – its composition, dynamic, and history across centuries if not millennia. As suggested by Ivan Illich’s call for conviviality, there’s nothing natural, automatic, or self-evident about this bond, including subordination or hierarchy despite what recent centuries, especially the twentieth, would suggest in a number of locations around the world. Subordination and hierarchy are not always already written in the great book of the social. They are part of an historical elaboration across the globe that is irregular in the times and places they occur.

The movements of the 2010s seize on very delimited spaces to become the locus of their meetings and their force. One hears the term “democracy of the squares” to convey this use of public spaces (that recalls the medieval use of commons). The Yellow Vests invented the use of traffic roundabouts as a place of action, deliberation, and conviviality. In Belarus, people refusing the electoral fraud of Alexander Lukashenko chose to gather in courtyards of apartment buildings. Hitting on the idea of using all of these micro-territories as democratic spaces where people of diverse social origins, genders, races, religions, ages, and professions can meet directly as themselves without representatives on an equal footing in the heat of action has been a first step in solving the deep crisis of representative democracy. It is a criticism through direct action of the preceding century and of its profound reticence toward all forms of open-air free democracy. The solution being sketched out at this beginning of what promises to be a long process is not a substitution of horizontal democracy of public squares and roundabouts to replace the reigning structures in parliamentary regimes around the world. This search for a new democratic legitimacy is not seeking to destroy representative democracy. It aims to radically and democratically question the established powers in all their forms.

Besides public squares and similar venues, horizontality is establishing itself in countless activities that have often prospered silently over the last fifty years in many domains where the participants are unburdened with submitting to hierarchies, vertical chains of command, or with taking on positions of authority. Historically, it is a refusal in deeds of the imperative in force throughout the twentieth century according to which a popular movement, whether social or political, must be organized and hierarchical, preferably under the authority of a political party – in other words, according to the Bolshevik model of an avant-garde where every single collective activity, including the family, had to be conducted under the authority of a chief who would with few exceptions be masculine. The social bond was endowed with a hierarchical dimension naturalized in a thousand ways.

The social sciences have an interesting worksite to develop around identifying as exhaustively as possible the activities in all domains that have been undertaken recently with no chief, no leader, in an egalitarian, cooperative, collaborative, or autonomous manner. First, squares, roundabouts, and high-rise courtyards are places of conviviality: participants become acquainted by working together; this could be around preparing a meal, taking measures to be ready for winter, treating the wounds suffered during confrontations, organizing the group’s self-defence, or by deliberating. Action and deliberation are not the only components of the activity in these public spaces; the communal life is another which, along with action and deliberation, make these places belong along a spectrum of conviviality that amounts to a communal living together that may be familial, relate to a certain community with its proximities and its conflicts of variable intensity, cross boundaries, or envelope some other more or less temporary groupings. One cannot help but think of the quilombo of fugitive slaves in Brazil, a territory recomposed since the sixteenth century with a free lifestyle and yet open to others.

Secondly, the embers burn red hot under the ashes. Under the surface of the “public” and somewhat out of sight, a deep work on the social fabric is taking place that recognizes at every point a need or even a desire for horizontality. These activities are quite varied: communal gardens in large metropolitan cities, presses, cultural or humanitarian activities, medical and legal offices, cooperatives of production or distribution – countless are the objects for the collectives and collectivities that have emerged, taken shape, and endured in this way for several years now. Many movements and organizations in France have been organized according to such principles of horizontality such as, for example, the movement to support the undocumented migrants and the Réseau Education Sans Frontières (Education Network Without Borders), and this is true in many countries around the world.

Following the example of squatters and the ZAD (a French acronym for “zones to be defended”) which have embraced horizontality, these other collectives are also seeking to offer a vision of the future via a dynamic of struggle and specific claims. In France, for example, they are linking with other transformations of institutions, such as the “collegial associations” that have neither president nor board. A law from 1901 regulates associations by a regime of declaration and not authorization. Over time the habit developed of creating an association “bureau” with a president, vice president, and secretary. This vertically organized structure became the norm and has only been questioned very recently. Association members who came to the prefecture to declare their association but without a president or bureau were told they had to follow the law.

And yet the letter of the law includes no such obligation and requires only persons “responsible for the administration”. In addition to the growing number of collegial associations, there has been since 2014 and the experiment in Saillans in the Drôme department a flourishing multiplication of ecological municipalities which are non-hierarchical, egalitarian, and more or less directly inspired by the “libertarian municipalism” of Murray Bookchin (Legros 2020). In France, the family unit no longer has a single “chief” as head of the household following a legal reform of 1970, an effect of the renewal of the women’s movement, and “parental authority” is now “shared”. In France and elsewhere, a growing number of organizations have adopted the formula of the Movimento Passe Livre (Free Fare Movement, MPL) in Brazil that erupted in June 2013 with the most powerful demonstrations the country has ever known. The movement, founded in 2005, invented a “charter” that proclaimed it to be “horizontal, autonomous, independent and nonpartisan but not antipartisan”. Following the demonstrations, all fare increases were blocked, leaving a deep imprint on the political history of the country – until the vultures of the far-right latched onto this popular agitation to turn it toward other goals.

The anti-hierarchical enthusiasm also extends to companies. In order to save itself and preserve the essential elements, capitalism since 1968 has sought to evade the insistent challenges to the authority of chiefs at all levels. For example, in one of the co-optation manoeuvres that are inseparable from all instances of power, it initiated the “project management”, “crushing hierarchies”, and even declared “freedom”. Internationally, one may note that the Internet was created on principles of horizontality that are endlessly opposed by nation-states and multinational companies.

With or without direct connection, from person to person and step to step, these more or less enduring and widespread activities resonate with free communities over large territories such as the Chiapas or the Rojava which have taken on global visibility even without occupying an entire country. The study of this ensemble – horizontal movements, collective egalitarian activities of all kinds, occupations, and free territories of various sizes – would require a global approach whose methods would have to be established carefully.

This article takes up most closely two cases: first, the horizontal practice of the Yellow Vests based on eyewitness observations within an assembly in the Paris region, and secondly, the initial steps of a cooperative school created recently in São Paulo in the aftermath of the June 2013 demonstrations and the occupation of high schools in the state of São Paulo that followed.

One of the challenges of this work is to avoid considering horizontality as an absolute that would arrive in opposition to hierarchy, but to observe instead in a pragmatic fashion what actually happens and attempt to identify the forms, the meandering evolutions, and the meanings, and in this way take part in a reflection that would be both that of the actors and the researchers in mutual reinforcement.

Translated by C. Jon Delogu

Cover image: Patrice Calatayu, Demonstrations of the Mouvement des gilets jaunes on Place Pey Berland, Bordeaux, 2 Feb 2019.

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Yves Cohen (2021): “Horizontality in the 2010s: Social Movements, Collective Activities, Social Fabric, and Conviviality”, Mecila Working Paper Series, No. 40, São Paulo: The Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/cohen.2021.40.